In his will, King Alfred left an estate at Carhampton (as Carumtun) to his son and successor, King Edward the Elder. This by itself makes it an important place, but then we must add the two recorded Viking raids, one in 836 when King Egbert, Alfreds grandfather, fought against 35 (in one version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles it is 25) ship-loads of Vikings, with the Vikings winning amidst great slaughter. The other engagement was in 843, when King Æthelwulf (King Alfred’s father) fought and lost against another 35 ship-loads of Vikings at Carhampton. It perhaps should be noted that in the Old English of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, what is actually said is that the two engagements with the Vikings took place æt Carrum. It seems that all prominent historians take Carrum to be Carhampton. Although I see this as likely, it should be pointed out that it is not proven. It is argued that the place-name derives from the Old-English word Carr, meaning “rock”, with the dative plural being Carrum. So æt Carrum translates to “at the rocks”, meaning that the uninflected place-name of Carhampton (e.g. how it would appear in a list etc) at the time would have been something else, perhaps Carras. It makes me slightly uncomfortable that the word Carr for rock is mainly associated with Northumbria. By Domesday it is called Carentone. For the time being at least, let us side with the mainstream and take Carrum to be Carhampton.
Carhampton, Somerset. The church of St John the Baptist seen from the east.
The most obvious landing site for an attack on Carhampton would be Blue Anchor Bay, just a short distance to the north. A 1809 map shows a location called “Blue Anchor” This shows on later maps to probably be the building that became the Blue Anchor Pub (sadly closed when I passed in 2022). I understand that Blue Anchor Bay was once known as Cleeve Bay. This would have been associated with Chapel Cleeve, which was the site of a chapel dedicated to St Mary and built by the monks of nearby Cleeve Abbey. Apparently this chapel replaced one that had fallen into the sea. However, Cleeve Abbey (and therefore the churches referred to above) are post – Norman conquest and would have not been present in the Saxon period.
Blue Anchor, Somerset. Detail from map by Mudge, 1809. Blue Anchor, Somerset. Looking west along the coast from Blue Anchor. Minehead in the distance.
So, what was Carhampton when it was a royal estate, and what did it constitute when there was a battle with the Vikings there. There is little guidance above ground so we have to look for clues. The area around a parish church usually provides a strong clue, but in this case the older church has been demolished (two churches co-existed for many years, with the current church of St John the Baptist dating to the 15th century, although much rebuilt) and tracking down its location proved problematic. My starting point was that I was informed that it was to the east of the current church. Here is perhaps the best point to refer you to an excellent write up by Historic England of what was found in this area. The link (with map) is here. You will see that there is significant and substantial evidence of Saxon occupation between the current church and Eastbury Farm. The area of occupation may have been larger. As always with archaeology, we know far less about areas that have not been investigated). The findings included a cemetery, containing an estimated “several hundred” burials, and evidence of settlement and metalworking. The pottery finds were thought to probably indicate either a high status or a monastic site.
Looking west across part of the site where Saxon settlement has been uncovered. Taken from Eastbury Rd.
Although we are told that the church of St John the Baptist is fifteenth century (but much rebuilt) it is notable that what remains of a cross in the churchyard is dated by Historic England to about 14th century (link here). Perhaps the church of St John the Baptist is older than 15th century.
Carhampton, Somerset. The remains of the cross in the churchyard of St John the Baptist
It seems that the last record of the older church was by Leland in 1540. Based on the pottery sherds it seems that the higher status part was at or near the Eastbury Farm buildings and to the north of the road there. It therefore seems likely that the Carhampton royal estate was focused on this area. The two battles against the Vikings may have been due to a raid on this site.
Carhampton, Somerset. Detail from map by Mudge, 1809. I struggled to interpret this map with Carhampton as it is today.
Carhampton is also an important location in the legends surrounding St Carantoc. We are told that he founded a monastery at Carhampton after defeating a dragon. While elements are clearly fanciful (i.e. the dragon), the presence of Carantoc and a monastery may not be. It has also been suggested that the name of Carhampton derives in some way from Carantoc.
This post is one of several providing information on places not necessarily covered in my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from Amazon and bookshops.
Langport is not far from Athelney, where King Alfred prepared for the reconquest of his kingdom in 878, and even closer to Aller, where King Alfred baptised the Viking Guthrum after he had been defeated at Ethandun later on in 878.
There is, however, no record of King Alfred having visited Langport, although it seems to me to be likely that he would have been there on occasions, particularly as it was also a burh listed in the Burghal Hidage, a list of fortified sites that in the version that has come down to us today seems to date to the reign of his son, King Edward the Elder, although many of these defended sites may date to King Alfred’s defended post-878 settlements programme. Other listed burhs in Somerset are Watchet, Axbridge and Lyng . Bath is also included, but this might not have been in Somerset in King Alfred’s time.
All Saints’ Church, Langport, Somerset. Was this the centre of the Saxon burh?
There is little to see in today’s Langport to remind us of its Saxon past, but we can look for clues in things like road layout, the river, the position of the church etc. Langport is not far from Somerton and one of its functions may have been to protect that place, with another function being to act as a port for Somerton, because it is on the Parrett (although note that “Port” can also mean trading place in addition to what we today think of as being a port). The River Yeo flows into the Parrett just south of Langport, which provided it with a connection to another important location – Ilchester. However, we must be careful in this area when describing water courses as the Somerset Levels would have not been drained at this time.
The Hanging Chapel, Langport, Somerset. As seen from the east
It is speculative, but it seems possible to infer a possible Saxon burh on the area around the hill on which All Saints’ Church is located, with the eastern boundary being in line with the Hanging Chapel, the western boundary being at the junction of The Hill and North Street, and perhaps the northern extent being at the end of the pedestrian route called Priest’s Lane.
Priest Lane (looking north), Langport, SomersetJunction of The Hill with North Street and Bow Street, Langport, Somerset. Taken from the south side of Bow Street. Is this the site of the West Gate of the former Saxon burh?
This area is, of course, well away from the river and it seems unlikely that there would not have been a settlement near the river as well (wherever that precisely was at that time). Indeed, it has been suggested that the name Langport literally means a long port (with port in this case meaning a trading place), and that this is because there could have been a long market along the long Bow Street. This seems plausible. I have also seen it suggested that the “lang” element is related to the Welsh word for boat (llong). This word may have been part of the Celtic vocabulary so cannot be ruled out, although it seems less likely to me than the perhaps more obvious “long port”.
This post is one of several providing information on places not necessarily covered in my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from Amazon and bookshops.
Watchet is on the North Somerset coast, and is a great place to visit, irrespective of its connections to the Anglo-Saxons.
There is no record of Alfred having been at Watchet, although this by no means rules his presence out at some point. Watchet was listed in the Burghal Hidage as Weced and is also referred to in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles as Wæced. Although this document in the form currently available to us was drawn up under King Alfred’s son, King Edward the Elder, it seems likely that Weced would have also been there at the time of King Alfred, and may indeed have been part of his post-878 improvement of Wessex defences against the Vikings through the development of fortified settlements (burhs). Other listed burhs in Somerset are Watchet, Axbridge and Lyng . Bath is also included, but this might not have been in Somerset in King Alfred’s time.
“Yankee Jack” at the harbour, Watchet, Somerset.
Watchet was clearly vulnerable and a target. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that in the harvest-time of 914, in the rule of Edward the Elder, King Alfred’s son, the Vikings landed at night east of Watchet but were repelled by the Saxons and fled to either Steepholm or Flatholm, before crossing to Wales and then Ireland. It is important to note that Weced may not have been where Watchet is today. It is thought that the defended settlement was at what is now called Daw’s Castle, which is on the Coast Path a little to the west of today’s Watchet. It occurs to me that the attack of 914, which we are told took place to the east of Watchet, might just mean that it took place at what is now Watchet harbour. Points further east are, of course, still possible. Although Weced was probably at Daw’s Castle it seems implausible that, even in King Alfred’s times, there would not have been some sort of settlement down at the harbour as well, before the place later became referred to as Wecedport (see below).
View from Daws Castle, Watchet, Somerset, looking west towards Minehead.
Watchet was raided in 988 (and/or 987 – different dates are provided by different versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles) when there was great slaughter, although it seems that the Vikings lost (according to a reference I saw to a document called the Life of St Oswald). It seems possible that Watchet was by now including the harbour as well as Daw’s Castle as, importantly, both the C and E versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle now name the place as Wecedport (although note that the word “port” could also mean trading place as well as what we today generally think of as being a port). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that Watchet (Wecedport) was raided again in 997, with much slaughtering and burning.
Getting to Daw’s Castle is quite straight forward, but it is quite a long climb out of Watchet up West Street and then Cleeve Hill until the footpath comes off on your right (at the time of writing). This takes you straight into the site of Daws Castle.
St Decuman’s Well, near St Decuman’s Church, Watchet, Somerset
St Decuman’s Church, with its Holy Well should not be missed. St Decuman’s is a short distance (but quite a long walk) south of the centre of Watchet. The well is a lovely location and the church is of great interest. According to legend, Decuman crossed from Wales in Saxon times (in the 600s) on a raft with a cow and lived here as a hermit. He was decapitated by an evil man, but as a miracle he replaced his head on his shoulders and carried on, and local people assisted him in building a church. To visit the well you need to go down the little track past the church (not down the track that leads down to Watchet -there is a sign pointing the way).
St Decuman’s Church, Watchet, Somerset
You may wish to take time to visit the “traditional” site of a battle between the Saxons and the Danes near Williton, a short distance south of Watchet. It is located near Danesfield School and there is a convenient lay-by where you can look across into the field. Please note that the field is private land. A tumulus (these typically, but not always, date to the Bronze Age) can be easily seen from the lay-by. On old Ordnance Survey maps the location is called “Battle Gore” and is marked on the 1888 to 1930 maps as “Site of Battle A.D. 918”. The lines of earthworks are also indicated. The field is the one to the south of where the small stream flows. Please note that this may just be legensd and I am not aware of any corroboration that a battle took place here. The year 918 does not fit well with the years of recorded attacks stated in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles.
Map. Watchet, Somerset. Detail from 1809 map by Mudge
Those of you who have read the previous post will know that in 895 the Vikings built a fortress on the River Lea about 20 miles north of London and that King Alfred arrived and set up camp nearby. King Alfred then rode up the River Lea to see where the river could be obstructed in order to block the Viking ships in. The river was indeed obstructed and King Alfred started to build a fortification on either side of the river. The Vikings then fled. Hertford and Ware are possible locations for these events and here I shall look a little closer at Hertford.
It is worth pointing out at the start that there is a risk of confusion with the two fortifications that were built in Saxon Hertford in 912-913 by King Alfred’s son, King Edward the Elder. These two fortifications were north and south of the River Lea. However, the first one to be built by Edward the Elder was the northern one and it strikes me as intriguing that the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles describe it as þa norðran burg, which seems to me to translate as the more northerly burg. This in turn suggests that there was already a burg to the south when King Edward the Elder built his first fortification. It is possible that this could have been one of the fortifications that Alfred had built.
As is also the case with Ware, it is uncertain why the Vikings would have gone to Hertford. However, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that in 673 a synod took place at Hertford (Heorotford, or Herutford in Bede’s Latin). Indeed, there is a memorial stone associated with this event in Hertford Castle Gardens. There was also a royal mint here as early as the 920s. Although the mint dates to slightly after the time of Alfred, the record of both a synod and a mint suggests that Hertford was an important place in Anglo-Saxon times, perhaps more important than Ware, and it also indicates that Hertford might have been attractive to the Vikings because of its possessions. However, it is possible that the synod took place at the similarly named Hartford in Cambridgeshire instead.
Stone in the grounds of Hertford Castle commemorating the synod that may have taken place there
The River Lea divides just north-east of Mill Bridge to form Hertford’s Folly Island. However, the route of the river through Hertford may not have been the same in 895 and this bifurcation may not have been (as has been suggested) where King Alfred divided the river in order to trap the Viking boats. Nonetheless, the bifurcation can be easily observed near the road called Bull Plain. I have seen reference to the course of the river in Roman times lying to the north -west of its current course, although it may have been in its approximate current location in Alfred’s time because a Viking sword was found in modern times when the River Lea was dredged in the centre of Hertford. Although many Viking weapons are found submerged, it is also possible that the sword found its way into water as the river changed its course. I also saw a reference to remains of Viking ships being found near Hertford and Stanstead Abbots, although I have been unable to corroborate this.
The River Lea dividing near Bull Plain, Hertford.
It was interesting to find on the 1881 Ordnance Survey map an area in Hertford called “Englefield” lying to the east of Bengeo Street and to the north of Warren Park Road. Readers of my book may recall that there was a battle of Englefield near Reading in Berkshire in 871, with the name Englefield probably meaning the land of the Angles. The same map also shows an area called “Daneshill” lying to the south of Warren Park Road, with some nearby land to the north-east being called “Danesbury.” There has also been speculation that the former location of the cricket ground, which used to lie to the east of the pronounced curve of Warren Park Road, could have been a Viking camp. Was there a Viking fortification in this area and did Alfred set up his camp at Englefield? Although we must be cautious of the possibility that antiquarian speculation influenced the place names on the 1881 map, I find the juxtaposition of names potentially referring to Vikings and Anglo-Saxons intriguing. In the absence of definitely-established locations for any Saxon or Viking camps I feel this area must be worth considering. Just a short distance east of these locations lies the 12th century St Leonard’s church. I was told that the current building may have been built on an even older structure that might relate in some way to the Vikings or King Alfred, although I was unable to find any supporting evidence.
St Leonard’s church, Hertford
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that the northerly fortress built by King Edward the Elder in Saxon Hertford was on the other side of the River Beane to the aforementioned Hertford locations of Englefield, Daneshill and Danesbury. The fortress is described as being between the Mimram, the Beane and the Lea (which doesn’t entirely make sense based on current names and geography).
I would like to extend my thanks to the Salisbury Arms in Hertford for their hospitality.
King Alfred was buried at Winchester, in Hampshire, but the location of his remains are unknown. His remains were moved at least twice and the different religious buildings built at different times can cause confusion in trying to work out where these remains went. I refer you to my first post on Winchester for the first two locations of Alfred’s remains, the Old Minster and the New Minster.
In 1109 Henry I ordered that the New Minster be moved to land that he had provided at Hyde, which was then just outside Winchester. It is possible that the New Minster had suffered from a fire prior to 1109, which might have made the move opportune, or perhaps Henry I did not want the Saxon New Minster cramping the style of the gleaming Norman Winchester Cathedral. The re-located New Minster would then become known as Hyde Abbey. In my opinion, the location of this abbey must be one of the most important of the lesser-known sites in British history, and it deserves to be much more famous.
The three stone slabs at Hyde Abbey Gardens, Winchester,marking the location near the high altar where King Alfred, King Edward the Elder (his son) and Ealhswith (his wife) would have been once buried. Their (or some of) their remains may still be present in the vicinity.
Documents indicate that Alfred was transferred to Hyde Abbey in 1110 and that he was interred in front of the altar. Today, Hyde is just north of the city centre and can be easily visited by walking north up Hyde Street, and then turning right into King Alfred Place. This leads to the location of the altar of Hyde Abbey where three stone slabs show where Alfred, his wife and his son were once buried.
Hyde Abbey fifteenth century gateway, Winchester. A reminder of what once stood elsewhere in this part of Winchester.
Hyde Abbey was destroyed in 1539 in Henry VIII’s dissolution of the monasteries. Furthermore, the Annals of Winchester tell us that Hyde Abbey was burnt in 1141, which fits with another record that tells us that the abbey laid “in ruins” after having been set alight in a battle between King Stephen and Matilda in 1141. It seems possible to me that Alfred’s and other important remains could have been relocated in 1141, or prior to the 1539 dissolution. However, the discovery of part of a pelvis (see below) shows that bones from the Anglo-Saxon period remained.
There is a detailed story (for those interested, this is in my book) about how eventually some bones, thought to include those of King Alfred, ended up being interred in the grounds of St Bartholomew’s church, which is located within the footprint of the precinct of Hyde Abbey. However, when these bones were radio-carbon dated, they were found to be more recent than the Anglo-Saxon period. This was the subject of a TV documentary, which you may have seen. To cut a long story short a prison was built on the site in the 1780s and about a decade or so later a Henry Howard made enquiries and was informed by Page (the overseer of the prison construction) about what was found, from which Mellor made a “rough drawing”. The following quote from Howard’s text, which appeared in Archaeologia in 1800, along with his sketch, is most interesting:
“About a [on Howard’s drawing] was also found a stone coffin cased with lead both within and without, and containing some bones and remains of garments. The lead in its decayed state sold for two guineas; the bones were thrown about, and the stone coffin broken into pieces. There were two other coffins, and no more, found in this part, which were also for the sake of the garden, in which they lay, broken and buried as low as the spring.”
I apologise for not putting up an image of his sketch because of copyright etc.
Point a on his drawing seems a plausible location for near the high altar. However, he goes on to say that many more stone coffins were found both to the east (outside the east wall) and the west of this location (in the nave). Clearly, in a situation where bones had been “thrown about”, bones near the altar may not have started off there. The point about the well was taken up by a Mellor who indeed found bones there and sold them to the vicar of St Bartholomew’s, and it seems that these are the bones that ended up collectively buried to the east of that church.
St Bartholomew’s church, Hyde, Winchester
Nonetheless, testing was carried out on bones from an excavation at the main site of the abbey undertaken in the 1990s, and a sample from an approximately middle-aged (to us!) male pelvis was dated to 895-1017. Although dating to the correct period, because King Alfred died in 899, it is not possible to say whether this pelvis once belonged to him. King Edward the Elder, who died in 924, was also buried at Hyde Abbey and there is evidence that other individuals may have been too: Æthelweard (a son of Alfred), or Ælfweard (son of King Edward the Elder, although he may have been too young to match the profile of the bone), a monk called Grimbald (although he died quite old) and St Judoc (who, however, died in the 7th century). There may, of course, have been other individuals for which we have no record. Because the bones were found in the vicinity of the high altar (even if it was in back-fill from a Victorian dig) it seems to me not impossible that the bone is from King Alfred, King Edward the Elder, or Æthelweard. Slightly worrying, though, is a record from 1798 that tells us that when a prison was built on the site, bones that were found were “thrown about.” This might mean that what is found near the high altar might not have started off there. Furthermore, would the builders then build over these scattered bones or have them removed? The latter seems more likely. We must remember that Richard III was discovered under a car park in Leicester, so we should perhaps always be ready to be surprised. Richard III, however, died almost 600 years more recently than King Alfred, something that I assume made using a live relative for a DNA comparison (as was done with Richard III) more straight forward. There may have also been less change in use of the land over time in the case or Richard III.
It was hoped that DNA from the pelvis fragment could be matched with those of King Alfred’s grand-daughter, Eadgyth, who was buried at Magdeburg, in Germany. However, although it was thought that it would be possible to extract DNA from the pelvis fragment, it seemed that the remains of Eadgyth were too poorly preserved to attempt a match.
This is a special place to visit, and I always make time to come here whenever I am in Winchester. In fact, this location was one of my main inspirations for writing my book. It is a hugely important location in the history of England.
The for refreshment. There is even a King Alfred pub close to Hyde Abbey Gardens. I had a beer and a meal in here and both were very good.
There is a community group called Hyde 900 that has done a lot of work in relation to the former abbey, and they deserve a mention. Their website also has more information.
This post is aimed at answering one of the most common questions that I am asked. I live in a county (Dorset) for which the regional National Health Service is designated “Wessex”, and a local radio station is called Wessex FM. People tend to know that they are in Wessex (probably) but are uncertain of the area it should be thought to cover. I wish that the answer that I am called upon to provide was more straight-forward.
As this blog is based on King Alfred, I shall describe what Wessex was in that time period. As King Alfred is often associated with Wessex, this will hopefully answer the question for most people. Alfred was King of Wessex from 871 to 899. The following is adapted from my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, which is available from Amazon. It would be great if you could support this project by purchasing the book.
In King Alfred’s time, Wessex included the counties that we now call Devon, Dorset, Somerset, Wiltshire, Berkshire (and some of adjacent Oxfordshire), Hampshire, the Isle of Wight, East and West Sussex, Kent and Surrey. Also included was Essex until it was ceded to Guthrum the Viking in a treaty drawn up around the year 886. It is worth pointing out that there were additional areas where King Alfred seems to have had the upper hand in power-sharing arrangements. By the end of his reign, this included London, which had earlier been under Mercian control. It also seems from Asser’s writings that at some time before 893 South Wales came under King Alfred’s control. Nor must we forget Mercia itself. After about 879, western and southern Mercia (eastern Mercia remained under Viking control) was ruled by Æthelred, who was the son-in-law of King Alfred, and it seems that it was Alfred who had the upper hand.
The extent of Wessex control in Cornwall is still unclear. The Annales Cambriæ tell us that King Dungarth of Cornwall drowned in 875, but after that there is no mention of who was ruling in Cornwall until 926 where a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles mentions a King Huwal of West Wales, which would have then meant Cornwall. It therefore seems to me that from a monarchical point of view Cornwall remained independent during Alfred’s time. However, we know that the diocese of Sherborne (in Dorset and therefore in Wessex) extended across the whole of Cornwall.
I did say earlier that it was not straight forward. But perhaps this post will lead to a better understanding. Tap or click the image to learn more about the book.
This post looks at King Alfred in the history of Dorchester (Dorset), and is adapted from, and provides additional materials for, my book , King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from Amazon and book shops.
I have lived near Dorchester for many years. Evidence from charters (legal documents showing transfers of land or rights) indicates that Alfred came to Dorchester while his elder brother Æthelred was king, and therefore presumably there would have been some sort of Saxon base there. Links to transcripts of these charters are here and here. Please note that very few charters have not been challenged as to their authenticity, either in whole or in part.
The line of the west wall of Dorchester, looking north towards Salisbury Street.
Where was the royal residence?
Clues about the Saxon history of Dorchester are scant, and this includes any evidence that might help us establish the location of a Saxon royal residence at the time of King Alfred. My personal speculation, which I have heard others suggest as well, is that the royal site would have included the location on the northern edge of the town where the current prison buildings are sited, where we know that the Norman castle was also located. It seems to make sense that if a site was deemed defendable by the Saxons (which a royal site would need to be) then it would hold a similar appeal for the Normans. It therefore seems plausible that the Normans would have built their castle on the site of the previous Saxon fortification/royal residence. There is a very pleasant footpath that follows the River Frome and which passes below the site of the former castle. From there one can understand how elevated (and therefore defendable) the site would have been.
Dorchester prison, now being converted to residences, is on the site of the Norman castle, and possibly also the Saxon stronghold/royal location.
Map of Dorchester Dorset, presented to Mayor Kingston. From Hutchins. Research suggests this ultimately derives from 1771.
Fordington
It has been suggested that King Alfred spent every Christmas at a royal manor at Fordington, which is now part of Dorchester but was once a separate settlement, not only to the east, but also around the south and to the west (where it was called West Fordington). I have found nothing to support the claim that there was a Christmas residence of the Wessex court in or near Dorchester. The oldest reference I could find referring to this was in Beatrice Adelaide Lees’ 1915 book on King Alfred where she states “…there is nothing to show that he was in North Wiltshire at the time of the inroad, and the Dorset Dorchester, which was a more usual place for the Christmas sojourn of the West-Saxon court…”. However, she does not indicate where she gets this information from. The Viking attack of Chippenham of 878 is being referred to.
It has been suggested that King Alfred spent every Christmas at a royal manor at Fordington, which is now part of Dorchester but was once a separate settlement, not only to the east, but also around the south and to the west (where it was called West Fordington). I have found nothing to support the claim that there was a Christmas residence of the Wessex court in or near Dorchester. The oldest reference I could find referring to this was in Beatrice Adelaide Lees’ 1915 book on King Alfred where she states “…there is nothing to show that he was in North Wiltshire at the time of the inroad, and the Dorset Dorchester, which was a more usual place for the Christmas sojourn of the West-Saxon court…”. However, she does not indicate where she gets this information from. The Viking attack of Chippenham of 878 is being referred to.
I have also read that Fordington became a royal manor after the Romans left and that the first church there had been built about 857, and that this was a royal church dedicated to St George. Although the earliest parts of the current St George’s church date to the 11th century, it is located at the site of a Roman cemetery so the location was clearly a significant one stretching back to ancient times, which makes the presence of a church being there in 857 seem more plausible.
The Roman gravestone that is to be found inside St George’s Church, Fordington. An explanatory plaque tells us that it was found in 1907 as a foundation stone beneath the Norman porch.
It is thought that burials found at the site of what is now the Trumpet Major pub were Saxon (although earlier than the time of King Alfred) (DNHAS Proceedings 1984)
St George’s church, Fordington, Dorchester(Dorset)
So, we have two potential royal locations that are close to each other, one in the centre of Dorchester at the site of the former prison, and the other at Fordington. Although the evidence from charters suggests that Dorchester really was a royal location, I am not aware of any charters having been issued from Fordington. It is perhaps possible that a royal residence at Fordington would have been close enough to Dorchester to go under that name, or that the residence was at Fordington while the charters were signed at nearby Dorchester. Fordington is so close to Dorchester that I found that I could walk, at a brisk pace, from St George’s church in Fordington to the closest point of Dorchester’s former Roman walls in a matter of three minutes.
This image of Fordington is from Richard Grosvenor Bartelot’s History of Fordington (1915). St George’s church is shown. The position from which it was drawn is somewhat difficult to determine, but I think it might have been somewhere near the junction of High Street Fordington and Pound Lane.View of St George’s Church, Fordington from the north west, where the farm was once located. From Richard Grosvenor Bartelot’s History of Fordington (1915).
Dorchester’s walls
It seems to me that the Roman walls (perhaps replaced or repaired in places) would have been present in Alfred’s time and would have probably continued to define and defend the town. This is supported by the fact that even today much of the line of the walls can still be followed. The exception to this is the northern section stretching between Northernhay and Salisbury Street where it is possible that there was no wall at all, with the River Frome providing defence instead. My personal opinion is that there would have been a wall here as well, which has long since been destroyed and built over. A recognition that the town was walled leads to a discussion about the location of gates through which King Alfred might have passed, including when he was pursuing the Vikings from Wareham to Exeter, perhaps passing through Dorchester, in 876. The main east-west road through Dorchester is probably just slightly north of the line of the Roman road and at the West Gate, which would have been near the Top o’ Town roundabout, two Roman roads led to Exeter (via Bridport) and Ilchester. The Exeter road is still the main road to Winterborne Abbas. The road to Ilchester survives in the road to Bradford Peverell, but is no longer evident near the Top o’ Town roundabout, where it is submerged under the car park. It is perhaps possible that the small shift to the current east-west road alignment took place in the Saxon period.
Looking east down the main east-west route through Dorchester. Evidence suggests that the Roman route was beneath the buildings on the right, although perhaps the current alignment was in place by King Alfred’s time.
It is easy to think of a wall in isolation, but here in Dorchester it was surrounded by (at least in parts) a triple ditch. On the south side the ditches stretched from where South Walks footpath is, right across South Walks Road and well into the land on the other side (from map RCHM. Dorset II. Part 3).
The layout of the main streets seems to have changed somewhat from Roman times to now. The alignment of the main east-west street has already been mentioned, but the Roman road leading from this street to the south gate (and therefore the main north-south road, possibly the cardo maximus) is postulated to run approx 15 degrees divergent to the current main north-south route (map RCHM. Dorset II. Part 3). Taking these Roman orientations to be correct, it is not known when the orientation of the main streets changed to what it is today. Given that changes are recorded in texts for other towns in King Alfred’s reign (eg London and Shaftesbury), it seems possible that the changes at Dorchester also took place in this period.
If there was indeed a north wall, there may well have been a gate in it. However, we only know of a North gate from Civil War records when it was repaired ( source: Hutchins, 3rd ed.).
In 1891 William Miles Barnes, son of William Barnes, made a bold effort to try to demonstrate that the 7th century St Birinus had been the bishop of Dorchester in Dorset, as opposed to Dorchester-on-Thames, Oxfordshire. I am not aware of this hypothesis still being “live” and it seems to me that nobody now thinks other than that Birinus was bishop at Dorchester-on-Thames. His attempt appears in Vol II of Notes & Queries for Somerset and Dorset. There is a remarkable, sometimes unpleasant, to-and-fro between Barnes and a “W.B.W.” (and others) throughout this volume. However, Dorchester never had a bishop, although there was a bishop of Dorset, based at Sherborne, between 909 and 1075 (when the seat was moved to Old Sarum). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that at 639 Birinus baptised a Cuthred in Dorces ceastre. This spelling matches Dorchester-on-Thames better than Dorchester in Dorset, which is rendered as variations on Dornwaraceaster. A Dorchester is also mentioned in ASC A at 636 where Birinus baptises a Cwichelm, although the text (Corpus Christi MS173) is unclear at this entry. Further, it seems unlikely that Dorchester (Dorset) would have been a comfortable place to set up a (unrecorded) bishopric in the early 600s, because this area may still have been contested or even held by the British at this time – the battle at Peonnum did not take place until 658.
To learn more about locations across southern England associated with King Alfred, perhaps try my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from book shops and Amazon. Click the image below to learn more.
Many thanks to Copper Street Brewery, near Dorchester South station, for stocking copies of my book. It goes well with the names of their beers, which have a King Alfred/Anglo-Saxon theme. I have sampled most of their beers and they are excellent. A shout out also to KeeP 106 (Dorchester) radio, where I talked on air about my book and the history of Dorchester in Saxon times.
Dorchester’s only remaining stretch of original Roman wall (on Albert Road, near Top O’ Town roundabout)South Walks Road, Dorchester (Dorset). An example of how the line of the Roman walls has become embedded in Dorchester’s layout. In Roman times the triple ditch would have extended into the land on the other side of the road.
So I finally got around to reading this book, which I had been avoiding in order not to confuse my mind whilst conducting my research on King Alfred. First off, let me say that it is beautifully written – I wish I could write like this. It is obviously thoroughly based on research and I find myself un-enthusiastic in pointing out things that I disagree with, because I know that there will be things that people disagree with in my writings (available on Amazon). But I hope to stick my neck out a little.
My copy, which I thoroughly enjoyed reading.
It seems that Bernard Cornwell moved the Battle of Cynuit forward by a year or so (his Historical Note tells us that he moved the Viking leader Ubba’s death forward, which amounts to the same thing, as he died at Cynuit). I found this difficult because whilst reading I had to constantly remind myself that it had not happened yet. I also found it confusing because it moved the battle of Cynuit to the same time as the Viking attack on Exeter in 876 instead of in 878 when Alfred was on the run and ended up at Athelney, an entirely different context.
Bernard Cornwell tells us in the Historical Note at the back of the book that he placed (following an argument put forward in a book by John Peddie) Cynuit at Cannington in Somerset. To me this does not seem possible as, although the precise location is not known, all of the early sources tell us that the battle took place in Devon.
There are other little things, like Alfred’s elder brother King Æthelred’s death in 871 being moved to after the Battle of Wilton instead of after the Battle of Meretun.
None of this should stop you reading this superbly written book. I fully intend to read the rest of the series. Although I had not read the book, I had seen season 1 of the TV series, shortly before I started my research. For those of you who are wondering whether they should read the book having watched the TV series, I would say “yes”, because for me it really did add something.
It would be great if you could support this project by purchasing a copy.
Thorneycroft’s statue of King Alfred the Great in Winchester, Hampshire
Winchester, in Hampshire, is very aware of its associations with King Alfred. But what exactly are these, and what will we uncover if we dig into the detail?
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that Winchester had been destroyed by a ship-army in 860, although the attacking forces still lost. Asser (King Alfred’s companion and biographer) tells us that these attackers were Vikings, which perhaps comes as no surprise. However,we do not know where Alfred, who would have been about eleven years old, was at this time.
Although I have seen it implied that Winchester was Alfred’s “capital,” there is little evidence to indicate that Alfred’s court had been centered on a particular location in Wessex. However, we know that Alfred was at Winchester in 896 because he ordered the hanging of captured Vikings after they had run ashore on the Sussex coast. It has also been suggested that Alfred became king in Winchester, although I have seen no evidence to support this.
It seems that there must have been a royal estate at Winchester in Alfred’s time. Alfred does not give any land away at Winchester in his will, although this still allows the possibility that there was a royal estate that was just not owned by him personally, or was somehow under the control of the church instead. Winchester is also listed in the Burghal Hidage, being the account of Alfred’s defended settlements drawn up in the reign of his son, King Edward the Elder. Indeed it shared first place (with Wallingford in Oxfordshire) as the largest settlement in that document. It is indeed possible that the Old Minster (long destroyed – see below) and the royal residence were part of the same complex. It has been claimed that the royal palace was located directly to the west of the Old Minster (and therefore also directly west of the cathedral). I myself once sat on the lawn here (many do) to enjoy my lunch, without having the faintest idea about what might have once been there. As the tourists make a bee-line for the cathedral they may be unwittingly traversing something of competing significance.
The outline of the Old Minster in the lawn adjacent to Winchester Cathedral, HampshireNorth of Winchester Cathedral, and the site of the Old Minster. There isn’t anything left to indicate that the New Minster would have once been here.
Winchester had Roman walls and, although there is some evidence that the area within the walls became depopulated in the early Anglo-Saxon period, it seems that this area may have become repopulated by the time of King Alfred. I have seen it stated that the King’s Gate (or Kingsgate), to the south of the cathedral, had been the entrance through the walls to the royal palace. I have not seen anything to corroborate this, although this is possible as this would have been the closest gate to both the Old Minster and the site claimed to be that of the royal palace. The present gate is a later construction but might be nonetheless on the site or the original gate. It is therefore not beyond the bounds of possibility that King Alfred himself may have walked through here. I strongly recommend the nearby Wykeham Arms as a location in which to consolidate your thoughts. If that is not to your taste then perhaps visit the small church of St Swithun-upon-Kingsgate that is built into the walls above the gate.
King’s Gate from the north. It is possible that there was a gate here in the walls of Winchester in King Alfred’s time, giving access to a royal residence.King’s Gate from the south It is possible that there was a gate here in the walls of Winchester in King Alfred’s time, giving access to a royal residence.
It is generally accepted that what is now called High Street would have been the main street through Winchester in Alfred’s time. Following High Street to the west one comes to the Westgate, which is an impressive structure that includes some Anglo-Saxon fabric. Unfortunately, it isn’t possible to walk a circuit of walls like it is in some other places. However, this did not stop me trying. The most pleasant stretch is to the south-west of the city, where there are actually walls to be seen. These are post-Roman, but generally lie on the route of the Roman walls. Indeed, at one point the wall has been excavated out to show the Roman wall inside. Much of the rest of the route of the wall is covered by buildings, some pleasant and some, in my opinion, quite ugly. There is even a huge multi-story car park on the route.
Winchester Cathedral, Hampshire. From Winkles’ Cathedrals, 1836
At the time of writing the location of the remains of King Alfred is not known. The different religious buildings built at different times can cause confusion in trying to work out the relocations of Alfred’s remains. I therefore hope that what follows will help (alongside the above map). Important to our story are three buildings built close to each other in the centre of Winchester. These buildings, in their order of construction, were the Old Minster, the New Minster, and Winchester Cathedral. Today, the only building that remains is Winchester Cathedral. The Old Minster was just north of the current cathedral, and it is the outline of this building that you can see marked out today on the cathedral lawn. The New Minster was built in the reign of Alfred’s son, King Edward the Elder, to the north of the Old Minster, and he had his father’s remains interred there. However, the New Minster was not consecrated until 901, and Alfred, who had died in 899, was therefore initially interred in the Old Minster while the New Minster was being built. It had been King Alfred’s intention to have the New Minster built in his reign but by the time he died he had only managed to obtain the land. This is why the job of building the New Minster fell to his son. Alfred’s remains were joined in the New Minster by those of his wife Ealhswith when she died in 902. The Old Minster continued to exist alongside the New Minster until the cathedral was consecrated in 1093. The Old Minster was then demolished.
I have provided a short video here:
In 1109 Henry I ordered that the New Minster be moved to land that he had provided at Hyde, which was just outside Winchester at this time. It is possible that the New Minster had suffered from a fire prior to 1109, which might have made the move opportune. Or perhaps Henry I did not want the Saxon New Minster crampimg the style of the gleaming new Norman Winchester Cathedral. The re-located New Minster would then become known as Hyde Abbey. The blog post for Hyde Abbey and the mystery surrounding King Alfred’s remains (Winchester, Part 2) is here.
A perfect place to consolidate one’s thoughts.The Wykeham Arms pub in Winchester, just outside the course of the Roman walls of Winchester
Winchester did not suddenly have greatness thrust upon it at the time of King Alfred. According to version F of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, a minster at Winchester was established in 648. In around 660 it became the episcopal seat of the diocese of Wessex, replacing Dorchester-on-Thames. Bede tells us that the remains of the missionary Birinus were transferred here as well while Hedde was bishop, giving us a date range of 649 (around when Birinus died) and 703 (when Hedde died). I argue elsewhere that Sherborne may for a period during King Alfred’s life have been as important, if not more so, than Winchester. However, before and afterwards this would have not been the case, and even during that period Winchester would have remained very important. That it was the seat of the important Swithun is an indication of this.
Winchester Cathedral, Hampshire. From Winkles’ Cathedrals, 1836.
It can be reasonably asked – Why was it that Winchester became so important and not somewhere else? There are no doubt geographical reasons, but I also boldly suggest that it may have been the first settlement of any large (for those times) size made by the Saxons who came to this part of Britain.
There is much more about the travels of King Alfred in my book, including maps and references. Tap or click on the image below to learn more about the book.
It all started one spring day in Winchester. I tagged along with my partner who had to go there to work for a day. I was at a loose end and had been to Winchester many times. I had seen the cathedral, the round table and so on. So, what should I do? I remembered reading that there had been an abbey at Hyde, just north of the centre, and that it was connected with King Alfred. So I worked out where it was and paid a visit to the location. In contrast to the cathedral, and the city centre generally, there was nobody else there but me. Yet this was the site where perhaps the greatest king in the history of England had been buried. Surely this could not be correct. Where was everybody? A few weeks later I visited Athelney, the site where Alfred hid out before striking out to defeat the Vikings. There was nobody there either. Then I went to the little church at Aller, where the path of English history was sealed when Alfred baptised the Viking leader Guthrum, leading to a period of peace. You’ve got it – Nobody there either. The strong interest in history that I had always had became re-awakened as I found the experience of finding these places deeply involving and I felt that just being in these locations gave me a direct engagement with 9th century history. I am certain that people are interested in the Anglo-Saxons, and King Alfred in particular; everybody I speak to is genuinely interested.
It seemed to me that the problem was partly down to information on relevant sites not being readily available. Additionally, accurate locations for some historical events have not been established (e.g. the Battle of Ashdown) so it is easy to sink in a sea of alternative ideas or theories. A further problem that I came across was what today we might call mis-information (or even fake news?) Perhaps often well-intentioned, but over the past few centuries it appears that many places have wanted a slice of King Alfred, even if it means being over-optimistic with regard to the evidence.
I have tried to cut through all of this to produce something that facilitates better engagement with arguably our most important king by visiting locations that are associated with him. Where the location cannot be established, I put forward alternatives and invite the reader to engage in balancing the evidence.
So, join me on a romp from Wantage, Reading, Basing, London, the Somerset Levels and the Berkshire Downs, Kent, Wiltshire, Dorset, Exeter and other places besides. I truly hope that you benefit a connection and engagement with perhaps our greatest King, just like I have.
To view the book on Amazon, click or tap the image below.
