Dorset Archives - The King Alfred Blog

March 17, 2020February 7, 2022

Bridport and Bredy. Where was Brydian?

Bridport has often been thought to be the location of Brydian, a fortified location mentioned in a document called the Burghal Hidage. However, it is by no means certain that this is the case. This post is part of additional materials relating to my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from Amazon and bookshops. To buy a copy, and support this project, please click on the image below.

The Burghal Hidage is a document drawn up after King Alfred’s post-878AD development of a network of defended burghs (fortified locations). However, it seems that the version that has come down to us dates to his son, King Edward the Elder, because it includes sites such as Buckingham, which were not fortified by the Saxons of Wessex until his reign. Nonetheless, there may have been earlier versions dating to King Alfred’s reign that have been lost to us. Given Bridport’s location on a Roman road extending between the Saxon locations of Dorchester to Exeter, it seems likely to me that it would have been part of King Alfred’s defensive burgh programme. It must be noted that I have seen it challenged that the Roman road from Dorchester to Exeter ran through Bridport (effectively challenging the direction taken by Margery Road 4f when it reached Eggardon hillfort from Dorchester) However, it is thought possible that the A35 through Bridport might still be a later Roman road if not an early one.

However, there are good reasons to question whether Brydian was at Bridport and not somewhere else. Chief among these options is the charming village of Little Bredy, just seven miles west of Dorchester. It is here that the River Bride rises from the earth. The source is dammed to create a beautiful artificial lake.

View from Little Bredy, Dorset to Warren Hill — Looking across the lake at Little Bredy towards Warren Hill

The important point is this. The Domesday Book (1086) shows that Cerne Abbey owned places called “Littelbred” and Langabride”. But when we go back to the founding charter of Cerne Abbey (987AD) we find that these places are called in Latin “Bridian” and “Ulteriore Bridian.” The meaning of “ulterior” is “further away” or “distant.” As I don’t know the answer to the question “further away from what?”, I have adopted the respected expert on place names A.D. Mills’ opinion that Bridian refers to Little Bredy and that Ulteriore Bridian refers to Long Bredy. The charter (S1217) is referred to here and can be read (in Latin) here. Note that although some elements of the charter may be spurious, much of the information may be correct (e.g. the owning of the Bredys is confirmed by Domesday). That neither of these Brydians were Bridport is shown by Bridport having a separate entry in Domesday. Furthermore, at this time Bridport was owned by the king, and not by Cerne Abbey.

It has been suggested that if Brydian had been at Little Bredy, then the fortified site might have been on Warren Hill, where there might have been an earlier Iron Age hill fort.

It is worth mentioning here the confusion to be caused by two rivers with very similar names. The River Bride flows from Little Bredy to the coast near Burton Bradstock. The River Brit flows from the north, passes through Bridport and enters the sea at West Bay. It seems that the River Brit was named after Bridport and was originally called the Woth.

The river Bride flowing through Little Bredy, Dorset — The River Bride, flowing west through Little Bredy, Dorset

Another location that I have seen being referred to in relation to this puzzle is the area around Bredy Farm and Bredy North Hill, just to the east of Burton Bradstock (referred to in Domesday as Brideton). However, I think these are just named after the River Bride that flows by here and I can’t see a reason to place this location above Little Bredy in the hierarchy of places that could have been Brydian (with Bridport at the top, as we shall see). Bredy Farm and Bredy North Hill are on OS maps. Bredy Farm is a great place to get some cider and there is a restaurant that I understand is very good.

Bredy North Hill, Dorset — Looking north east to Bredy North Hill from the road just north of Bredy Farm

So, is it still possible that Brydian could have been at Bridport? I think that the answer is “Yes”. Here are my reasons. Little Bredy is far too close to Dorchester for there to have been a separate fortified settlement there. Bridport is further away (about 15 miles as opposed to 7) and on a significant Roman road. We also know that there was a mint at Bridport in later Anglo-Saxon times and these have inscriptions such as “Bryd”. It seems highly unlikely to me that there would have been a mint at the small location of Little Bredy (or, even less likely, up on Warren Hill). So, if Bridport was Bridian, why was Little Bredy also Bridian (or Brydian)? I believe it is possible that people who lived in the valley of the River Bride (therefore including Little Bredy) moved (or spread) to what we now call Bridport and took their name with them, and that this occurred before the time of King Alfred.

So, taking Brydian to be Bridport, what was this place like at the time of King Alfred. Unfortunately, no Anglo-Saxon defences have been found, but there are a couple of clues. One is the entry in Domesday where we are told that there was a church at Bridport. This would have therefore been Anglo-Saxon (a church at Burton Bradstock – Brideton- is also mentioned). In the absence of any conflicting evidence it seems likely that this church would have been where St Mary’s church now stands.

St Mary's church, Bridport, Dorset — St Mary’s church, Bridport. Possibly on the site of an Anglo-Saxon church.

It is interesting to note how the land around the church lies between two rivers, something which crops up in other significant Wessex Anglo-Saxon locations (such as Christchurch, Wareham and Reading). The two rivers are the River Brit and the River Asker. It seems to be a good working hypothesis that the Saxon settlement would have extended from this confluence north to at least the east-west Roman road. The confluence is easy to observe from the bridge near Palmer’s brewery.

The confluence of the River Brit and the River Asker, Bridport, Dorset — The confluence of the River Brit (from the left) and the River Asker (from the right). The view is looking north from the bridge near Palmers Brewery.

To conclude, I believe that it is more likely that the Brydian mentioned in the Burghal Hidage was at Bridport. This does not, however, mean that other locations can be ruled out entirely.

On another subject, King Alfred pursued the land-based component of the Viking army from Wareham all the way to Exeter in 876AD. It seems plausible that this pursuit would have taken place along what is now East Street and West Street in Bridport.

Map of Bridport, Dorset. Hutchins. — Map of Bridport, Dorset, from Hutchins, 3rd Edition (1870)

Looking west up East Street, towards the junction with South Street, in Bridport. Did King Alfred pursue the Vikings along this road in 876AD?

This post is one of several sequels to my book on King Alfred. Click on the image to find out more about the book at Amazon.

February 9, 2020February 7, 2022

Saxon Dorset: The Æthelwold Rebellion

King Alfred died in 899, but the succession of his son, King Edward the Elder, was not without incident, leading to important events taking place in Saxon Dorset. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that after Edward succeeded to the throne, his cousin Æthelwold (son of King Æthelred, who had preceded Alfred as king) rode and seized both Wimborne and Christchurch. In response, King Edward rode to where Badbury Rings now stand. Strictly speaking, this post just deals with the earlier part of the Æthelwold rebellion, before he fled Dorset for Northumbria. I hope to deal with later events in subsequent posts. All of these locations are in Dorset. For a map showing these places, please click the link below:

https://drive.google.com/open?id=1osvpXIq6KRwPwd0gQRmwKTdK7QzEvNlf&usp=sharing

It seems that Wimborne was Æthelwold’s main base (as opposed to Christchurch). This is because the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that he barricaded himself in the estate there. It seems that he was there with a nun as well as some supporters, before he eventually fled under the cover of darkness to Northumbria, with the nun also going on the run. We are told that he took this nun against the orders of bishops, although we cannot be certain of what kind of relationship Æthelwold had with her. Nowhere is she named. It may not have been a hostile abduction. Indeed, Florence of Worcester tells us that Edward had married the nun, and also that she was later returned to Wimborne – and therefore presumably had come from there as well. Perhaps Edward went to Wimborne more because of the nun than because it was the location of his buried father. Æthelwold’s father, King Æthelred, had been buried at Wimborne in 871 some time after the Battle of Meretun. The outline of the Saxon royal estate is not known but it is thought to have been focused around where the minster is currently located, and it is thought that the Minster might be at the location of the Saxon church, nunnery (that had been founded by King Ine in 705) and monastery.

Christchurch is called Tweoxnam in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, referring to its location between two water courses, the Rivers Stour and Avon. The priory is thought to sit on (or overlap with) the footprint of the earlier Saxon church.

The modern Saxon cross in Saxon Square, Christchurch

Map of Christchurch, Dorset. Mudge 1811 — Map of Christchurch. Part of a map by Mudge, 1811.

Badbury Rings is an impressively large Iron Age hill fort. King Edward clearly found this location suitable for suppressing his cousin’s rebellion at nearby Wimborne. It is an easy place to visit, with a large car park. A number of Roman roads converge at Badbury Rings, although it is difficult to be certain which of these would have been in use in King Edward the Elder’s time. It is interesting to speculate on how he might have got from Winchester (based on an assumption that he would have been at his father’s interment at Winchester and that the rebellion took place shortly afterwards) to Badbury on any existing Roman roads. It seems likely that a Roman road from Winchester passing through Otterbourne extended through to Ringwood and then onward, probably to Lake Farm, near Corfe Mullen (near Wimborne). There was a Roman road from there to Badbury. Æthelwold may have used most of the same route to get to Wimborne. Other routes may have been available, but when being pursued, or in pursuit, something in a straight line would have been preferred.

If you are particularly interested in Saxon Dorset around the time of King Alfred, you may wish to visit my other posts on Sherborne, Shaftesbury, Dorchester and Wimborne.

Badbury Rings, near Wimborne, Dorset. Seem from the south

This post relating to Saxon Dorset is a follow on from my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from bookshops and Amazon.

August 7, 2019February 14, 2022

Sherborne, Dorset. Was this once the most important place in Wessex?

This post is adapted from, and provides additional materials for, my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from Amazon and book shops. If you scroll down you will find a short video that I made on-location about Sherborne.

At least two Kings of Wessex were buried at Sherborne. It was the most important ecclesiastical location in an area covering Dorset, Devon and Cornwall. One of Anglo-Saxon history’s most important characters, Asser, King Alfred’s companion and “biographer” became bishop here. I believe there is a plausible case to be made for this to have been the most important place in Wessex until shortly after King Alfred died (when Winchester appears to have become more important). This of course challenges what you might read elsewhere, in that Winchester was King Alfred’s “Capital”. There is no evidence that this was the case.

Plaque inside Sherborne Abbey, Dorset, informing us that King Ethelberht and King Ethelbald were interred nearby — Plaque inside Sherborne Abbey, Dorset, informing us that King Æthelberht and King Æthelbald were interred nearby

Bones Sherborne Abbey, Dorset — The bones to be found near the plaque. Although they are located near the plaque there is no evidence that these are the bones of King Alfred’s brothers. They are viewed through a glass panel fitted into the floor.

Sherborne’s most important feature is its abbey, and it is here that two elder brothers of King Alfred, Æthelbald (died 860) and Æthelberht (died 865) were buried, and I consider it likely that Alfred would have been present at their funerals, or would have at least visited their resting places. He would have been about eleven years old at the time of the first death, and about sixteen at the time of the second. It is also possible that a third brother of Alfred was buried at Sherborne as well. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, with the exception of the B version, have this brother, Æthelred, buried at Wimborne (Dorset), but the B version tells us that he was buried at Sherborne. I consider that this contradiction can be resolved by considering that Æthelred may initially have been interred at Wimborne and then later moved to Sherborne, probably because of the relative importance of the latter location. That the other two brothers had been interred at Sherborne supports the idea that this place was more important than Wimborne. However, it should be noted that there is a 10th century charter (S813) issued by King Edgar that tells us that he had ancestors resting at Sherborne, with these being Æthelbald and Æthelberht, with Æthelred unmentioned, and therefore probably not transferred there after all.

There is a plaque in the abbey indicating the approximate location of the burials of Æthelbald and Æthelberht, and there is nearby a small area where the floor has been replaced by glass and some bones can be seen beneath. However, I was told that it is not really known whose remains these are. Asser tells us that when Æthelberht died he was buried next to his brother Æthelbald. Leland, writing in the sixteenth century tells us that he saw no tombs for these kings nor any written indication of where they might be. He also says that they were buried behind the high altar, but he does not disclose how he knew that.

Approximate postulated outline of the Saxon abbey precinct (after Dorset Historic Towns Survey: Sherborne, 2011)

It is significant that Asser, King Alfred’s companion and biographer, and from whose writings we derive so much information, became bishop of Sherborne at some time in the 890s, while King Alfred was still alive, and it appears that he continued in this role until his death in 909, ten years after Alfred had died. In order to understand the importance of Sherborne in Alfred’s time it is important to appreciate that it had a huge diocese, created by King Ine of Wessex in 705, that extended all the way down to Land’s End in Cornwall.

I have see it claimed (in an unpublished work; it perhaps appears elsewhere) that the young Alfred was educated at Sherborne under Bishop Ealhstan. Because Sherborne was a place of importance this cannot be ruled out. However, this would have to mean (Asser chapter 22) that Sherborne was the location of the royal court, and I don’t think that there is enough evidence that it was. The royal court may have been at Winchester or it may not have even had a fixed location.

Stained glass window in Sherborne Abbey showing King Alfred and Asser

The Abbey still has Saxon elements despite much of the earlier church being demolished by Roger of Caen to be replaced by a larger Norman one. As you walk around Sherborne it is easy to be unaware of just how important this place would have been. In my opinion it must have been one of the most important places in Wessex, perhaps even the most important, in a period before Winchester would be able to claim that title.

Statue of Aldhelm inside Sherborne Abbey. Aldhelm became the first bishop of Sherborne in 705 AD. By Marzia Colonna, and erected 2004.

Some background. Sherborne became a bishopric in 705 when the see of Winchester was divided. Aldhelm became its first bishop. However, there is evidence, perhaps unsurprisingly, that there was an ecclesiastic foundation at Sherborne before that date, called Lanprobus. However, I will stop here for fear of drifting too far from the subject of King Alfred. Perhaps I shall post separately with more details in future.

Map of Sherborne. 1802, based on 1735 map by Ladd. — Map of Sherborne (detail). 1802, adapted from a 1735 map by Ladd.

I have written much more about Alfred’s travels in my book, which also contains maps and references. Tap or click the image to learn more.

August 7, 2019February 7, 2022

King Alfred and Wimborne, Dorset. Did he become King of Wessex here?

The following article on King Alfred and Wimborne is adapted from, and provides additional materials for, my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from Amazon It would be great if you could support this project by purchasing a copy.

Death of Æthelred

Wimborne (or Wimborne Minster) is a significant historic town in Dorset and is the location of the important Wimborne Minster, which has a history going back to the 8th century. Most versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that after the 871 AD battle at Meretun (unknown location, but possibly Martin in Hampshire) King Æthelred, Alfred’s older brother, was buried at Wimborne. However, one version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tells us that he was buried at Sherborne, which seems plausible as the two previous kings and brothers of Alfred, Æthelbald and Æthelbehrt, had been buried there. I consider it possible that Æthelred was initially interred at Wimborne, and then later moved to Sherborne, probably because of the relative importance of the latter location. It is further recorded that Alfred had been present at his brother’s funeral rites, which is what we would expect.

The plaque inside Wimborne Minster, Dorset, dedicated to King Ethelred. — The plaque inside Wimborne Minster, Dorset, dedicated to King Æthelred. Incidentally, there is no evidence that he was killed in battle. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles indicate that he died some time afterwards. The keen-eyed will note that the upper portion of Æthelred’s sceptre has been broken off.

Alfred becomes King

We know that Alfred himself became king after the death of King Æthelred, although the location where this formally took place has not been recorded. I suggest, however, that there is a good chance that Alfred became king at Wimborne, particularly if he had already been designated as next in line, which Asser tells us was the case. Alfred’s immediate elevation on the death of his brother also makes sense in the context of the kingship having run sequentially through Æthelwulf’s sons up to that point. Asser points out a couple of times that Alfred had been what he calls secundarius and that he took over immediately (confestim) on the death of his brother. It should be borne in mind, however, that just because we are told that Æthelred had been buried at Wimborne does not mean that he died there, with this meaning that Alfred could have become king somewhere else. Nonetheless, Wimborne seems plausible because we know that it had significance because the royal estate there was seized in 899 by Æthelwold after Alfred’s death (if it was significant in 899 it seems likely that had been so in 871).

The battles that took place in 871 indicate that Wessex was clearly in a state of emergency at the time King Æthelred died, and perhaps the formal ceremonial arrangements of Alfred’s accession were delayed until the relatively peaceful period between 872 and 874 when the Vikings that had been at Reading were causing trouble in Mercia and Northumbria instead. If there was ever a formal ceremony, we have no evidence of it. It has been suggested that Alfred became king in Winchester, but I have seen no evidence of this. Furthermore, it appears that Kingston-upon-Thames had not yet become (as it would) the favoured site for the consecration of the Anglo-Saxon kings.

Map of Wimborne, Dorset. Mudge 1811 — Map of Wimborne, Dorset. Detail from an 1811 map by Mudge

Map of Wimborne Dorset. Hutchins. — Map of Wimborne, Dorset (detail), showing the area around the minster. From Hutchins 3rd Edition (1870)

The relationship between King Alfred and Wimborne is an interesting one.

There is much more about the travels of King Alfred in my book, including maps and references. Tap or click the image to learn more.

Update on the plaque in Wimborne Minster.

I came across some articles of the Dorset Natural History and Antiquarian Field Club, which shed further light on the plaque (or, more correctly, plaques. The 1918 contribution by Reverend Almack reminds us that restoration took place 1855-7. he goes on to tell us that the slab that had been over the remains of King Æthelred “was cut away, in spite of protest, and only the portion sufficient to cover the brass was allowed to remain.” We are also told that during restoration the remains of a tesselated pavement and the bases of columns were observed, which has led to speculation that the first church here was built over a Roman temple. However, the authors of the Royal Commission on Historic Monuments suggests that this may have been from the original church of St Cuthburh.

This monument was clearly a hot topic as in the 1919 issue there is a long article by Reverend Fletcher, which he had read out in 1918. In this he states that the plaque(s) were “placed in the floor on the north side of the sanctuary at Wimborne Minster, about 15 ft from the east wall, and consists of three metal plates.” Of course, today, the plaques are on the wall and not on the floor. The author reminds us that brasses were not used in England until about the 13th century, although this one may be more recent, possibly 15th century. Therefore, the brass cannot be contemporaneous with the death of Æthelred. Furthermore, the author points out that the section with script is even more recent and is copper not brass. This second inscription plate was found to be a palimpsest and may be 18th century (Dorset Natural History and Antiquarian Field Club Proceedings 1919, p32)

So, where are King Æthelred’s remains? Unless there is a huge coincidence, we can be sure that they are not where the plaque is, because it has been moved at least once, and is not contemporaneous with his death in any case. It is possible, however, that when the brass sections were made they were placed at the (at least claimed) location of his remains, which would have been within the footprint of the Saxon church and probably near the altar. This would have been just to the east of the crossing, which seems to have stayed in the same place over time (RCHM. Dorset. Vol V; East). It needs to be recalled, however, that he may have been moved to Sherborne. If he had been moved to Sherborne, there was still a record of him by Leland in 1536 at Wimborne.

Leland describes the text on the plaque, which is the same as we have now except for a different (and obviously wrong) date. Camden, writing in 1586, tells us that the tomb had been recently repaired, so it is possible that the date was corrected then and that the text part of the plaque that we have now dates to that time. Or perhaps Camden just wrote the wrong date down and the plaque did not need correction at the time of the repair. Leland also tells us that by 1828 Æthelred’s tomb had been by that of St Cuthberga, which was at the north side of the Presbytery (chancel). He goes on to tell us that St Cuthberga was then moved to the east end of the altar. St Cuthberga is hugely important to this church, but I will have to go into that further elsewhere, time permitting.

Things are further complicated by the finding (as reported by a Dr Smart in The Genetleman’s Magazine, 1865) that when enlarging a vault under the presbytery in 1837, a skeleton of a man was exhumed at the north east corner, near the site of the original altar. This man was 6ft 4 ins tall. Could this have been Æthelred? It certainly seems a suitable location. This same source includes a suggestion that Æthelred died of his wounds at Witchampton (north of Wimborne), based on this being a similar name to “Whittingham”, a place mentioned by earlier writers, such as Camden. However, we don’t know where Camden got this from and, in any case, Witchampton does not seem to connect with the name Whittingham (Mills, Place Names of Dorset. Part 2). Witchampton as a legendary place of death of Æthelred is again mentioned in A Topography of Alfred’s Wars in Wessex, by Williams-Freeman. However, I haven’t come across anything to support this other than that Witchampton is on a plausible route between Martin and Wimborne. Nonetheless, a portable information board in the church at Witchampton states: “The old records say his funeral procession came through Witchampton, where the bier rested on its way to Wimborne. Among the mourners was his brother who later became King Alfred the Great.” Unfortunately, we are again not told what these “old records” are. Witchampton was also the location of the discovery of late Saxon chess pieces.

A King Sigferth was also buried at Wimborne, in AD 962. This is a mysterious character who we know very little about, including what he was king of. The entry in the Anglo Saxon Chronicles is generally translated that he committed suicide. I am uncertain whether he would have been allowed to have been buried in the church if that was the case. Much rests on the meaning of offeoll in “Sigferð cyning hine offeoll“.

It is fascinating to think that Wimborne Minster once had a spire, which fell in 1600.

July 30, 2019February 11, 2021

Wessex – where was it?

This post is aimed at answering one of the most common questions that I am asked. I live in a county (Dorset) for which the regional National Health Service is designated “Wessex”, and a local radio station is called Wessex FM. People tend to know that they are in Wessex (probably) but are uncertain of the area it should be thought to cover. I wish that the answer that I am called upon to provide was more straight-forward.

As this blog is based on King Alfred, I shall describe what Wessex was in that time period. As King Alfred is often associated with Wessex, this will hopefully answer the question for most people. Alfred was King of Wessex from 871 to 899. The following is adapted from my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, which is available from Amazon. It would be great if you could support this project by purchasing the book.

In King Alfred’s time, Wessex included the counties that we now call Devon, Dorset, Somerset, Wiltshire, Berkshire (and some of adjacent Oxfordshire), Hampshire, the Isle of Wight, East and West Sussex, Kent and Surrey. Also included was Essex until it was ceded to Guthrum the Viking in a treaty drawn up around the year 886. It is worth pointing out that there were additional areas where King Alfred seems to have had the upper hand in power-sharing arrangements. By the end of his reign, this included London, which had earlier been under Mercian control. It also seems from Asser’s writings that at some time before 893 South Wales came under King Alfred’s control. Nor must we forget Mercia itself. After about 879, western and southern Mercia (eastern Mercia remained under Viking control) was ruled by Æthelred, who was the son-in-law of King Alfred, and it seems that it was Alfred who had the upper hand.

A map of Wessex. A schematic diagram of territorial divisions at the start of King Alfred's reign. — *A map of Wessex from my book. A schematic diagram of territorial divisions at the start of King Alfred’s reign. Contains OS data © Crown copyright and database right (2018).*

The extent of Wessex control in Cornwall is still unclear. The Annales Cambriæ tell us that King Dungarth of Cornwall drowned in 875, but after that there is no mention of who was ruling in Cornwall until 926 where a version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles mentions a King Huwal of West Wales, which would have then meant Cornwall. It therefore seems to me that from a monarchical point of view Cornwall remained independent during Alfred’s time. However, we know that the diocese of Sherborne (in Dorset and therefore in Wessex) extended across the whole of Cornwall.

I did say earlier that it was not straight forward. But perhaps this post will lead to a better understanding. Tap or click the image to learn more about the book.

July 26, 2019February 7, 2022

Shaftesbury, Dorset

The below is adapted from, and provides additional material for, my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available on Amazon

It would be great if you could support this project by purchasing a copy.

Dorset was an important in the time of King Alfred. Important roles were played by Sherborne, Wimborne, Dorchester and Shaftesbury. An important engagement with the Vikings took place at Wareham. Undoubtedly, much went on that never made it into the historical sources that are available to us today. In this post I shall take a look at Shaftesbury.

King Alfred founded a nunnery at Shaftesbury and it is thought that this was at the same site as where the Normans later constructed their abbey. Although the Norman abbey is now a ruin, it is a delightful and evocative place to visit, as is the rest of the town.

*King Alfred in the grounds of Shaftesbury Abbey, Dorset*

Asser tells us that Alfred ordered the building of a monastery near Shaftesbury’s east gate and that his daughter Æthelgifu was appointed abbess. However, this is initially confusing because the Abbey is south-west of the centre, so it seems that it should have been by a west gate. But the modern centre appears not to align well with what was there in Alfred’s time and, when this is taken into account, the abbey was indeed at the eastern aspect of the town. The nunnery This abbey was well endowed; Asser (99-102) tells us that, in combination with the new abbey at Athelney, it received one eighth of King’s Alfred’s taxation income.

Unfortunately, no early source tells us when the nunnery was built. However, Ranulf Higden’s Polychronicon indicates that it was after Alfred had restored London, and we know from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles that Alfred took control of London in 886. This suggests that the nunnery may have been built in 886 at the earliest and 893 at the latest (because it had to be present at the time Asser was writing, believed to be 893).

Looking down Gold Hill (perhaps the most famous place in Shaftesbury). The wall to the right, known as Park Wall, once formed the western boundary to the Abbey's grounds. The outline of the abbey's grounds in Alfred's time is not known — Looking down Gold Hill (perhaps the most famous place in Shaftesbury). The wall to the right, known as Park Wall, once formed the western boundary to the Abbey’s grounds. The outline of the abbey’s grounds in Alfred’s time is not known.

However, Higden also tells us that around the time that Alfred restored the settlement of Shaftesbury in 880, Pope Marinus sent Alfred a piece of the “true cross.” Manuscript E of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles indicates that this was sent in 882. I found out that Marinus was pope between December 882 and May 884, indicating that the item could only have been sent in December 882. This led me to change my mind from believing that the abbey was built between 886 and 893 to a belief that it was in use by 882 or 883 because it seems plausible that the fragment of the true cross had been destined for either the new and important nunnery at Shaftesbury or the new abbey at Athelney, which was built at about the same time. In a generous attempt to make everything fit, one could argue that the nunnery might have come into use before its completion, with this being in the period 886-893, after King Alfred had restored London, although this itself must have taken some time to complete. The current location of this piece of the “true cross” is not known, although there is a reputed fragment of the true cross, which could be different to the one sent to Alfred, in St Michael and St Gudula Cathedral in Brussels, Belgium.

Postulated approximate outline of the Saxon burh. (After Dorset Historic Towns Survey: Shaftesbury, 2011)

Shaftesbury was clearly a very important place. In 980 the nunnery became the resting place of King Edward the Martyr after he had been murdered at Corfe Castle in 978 (he was initially interred at Wareham). His shrine became a focus for pilgrimage, and perhaps this was what King Canute was undertaking when he died at Shaftesbury in 1035. In 944 the site also became the burial place of Ælfgifu, who was the first wife of King Edmund who also became venerated as a saint. Elisabeth, the wife of Robert the Bruce, King of Scotland, was also briefly held here.

Map of Shaftesbury. 1811. Mudge — Map of Shaftesbury, Dorset. Detail from 1811 map by Mudge.

A Saxon pottery kiln dating to approx 660-880 was found at or near the current Tesco car park (during investigations before the area was redeveloped) (DNHAS V129, 2008). These discoveries fit with the earlier 1976 discovery of late Saxon pottery during floor replacement in the crypt of St Peter’s Church (DNHAS V99, 1977) and a later findings of Saxon pottery fragments at Barton Hill (DNHAS V137, 2016), a site close to the location of the earlier-discovered pottery kiln, because all three sites are outside of, and to the east of, the Saxon burgh.

Map of Shaftesbury Dorset — Map of Shaftesbury, Dorset (detail)
. From an undated “History of Shaftesbury”, Nichols and Sons, Red Lion Passage, Fleet Street

There is much more about the travels of King Alfred in my book, including maps and references. Tap or click the image below to learn more.

Many thanks to thisisalfred.com for taking an interest in my writing. Hopefully, a recorded chat that we had at the Abbey will be available soon.

August 31, 2018February 14, 2022

In search of Egbert’s Stone. Part 1: The meeting point of Dorset, Wiltshire and Somerset.

This post is adapted from my book, King Alfred: a Man on the Move, available from Amazon.

It would be great if you could support this project by purchasing a copy.

The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles refer to Egbert’s Stone (Ecgbryhtes stan) as the place where the armies from Somerset, Wiltshire and part of Hampshire came together to fight alongside Alfred after he had left Athelney in the seventh week after Easter in 878, en route for the important and decisive battle at Ethandun where the Vikings were defeated. It is notable that Dorset is not mentioned. However, Dorset may be an omission because Gaimar indicates that this county was involved.

Tradition has it that King Egbert, Alfred’s grandfather, marked the point where Dorset, Somerset and Wiltshire met with a large stone on the bank of the River Stour. However, it may be unreliable to assume that the counties met at the same location in Egbert’s or Alfred’s time. The woodland then would have extended further south ( as indicated in this book) into today’s Dorset, and because there is some evidence that the edges of the wood were used as boundaries, it is possible that the border could have been further south than it is today. However, I have not seen anything to indicate where any older of boundary might have been. Indeed, it seems that the boundary of Dorset suggested by the Domesday survey of 1086 is more or less unchanged up to Speed’s 1610 map of Dorset, and largely similar to today’s boundaries (allowing for the addition of Christchurch from Hampshire in 1974 and the reversion of Dorset and Devon exclaves to their respective counties in the 19th century). It therefore seems more likely to me that the position of the Dorset border in the north is more or less in the same place as it was in King Alfred’s time.

I drew upon John Peddie’s reference (in this book) to Coombe Street, which is west of Zeals and north of Bourton, as a claimed location. Travelling west, the road crossesthe river where a sign indicates that you have arrived at Pen Selwood. The Stour is narrow at this point, which is unsurprising as its source is at nearby Stourhead. However, I saw no evidence of a significant stone.

The River Stour at Coombe Street near Pen Selwood. No Egbert's Stone to be seen. — The River Stour at Coombe Street near Pen Selwood. No Egbert’s Stone to be seen.

There seems to be an impression locally that a stone at Bullpits Golf Course is Egbert’s Stone. However, I have been told that this is not the case. Nearby Factory Hill crosses the Stour at a point where there was once a mill. When I visited this area it was in the process of being developed for housing. There is a footpath that comes off Kite’s Nest Lane that takes you close to where the three counties meet and water can be seen to your right as you walk up. However, maps show that the exact point at which the three counties meet is very close by but on private land, so I was unable to establish whether there was a stone there, although Phelps in his history of 1836 states that “the three shire-stones” stand in the middle of a pond belonging to Messrs Maggs’ spinning manufactory – which I feel could be the same place. However, the quest was not necessarily to find the stone but to find where Alfred brought his troops together, and if this indeed took place where the three counties now meet, then I was satisfied that I had found the spot.

The White Lion Inn at Bourton, north Dorset. A lovely place to take a break from explorations, and the food and beer are superb.

However, it seems logical that Alfred would have used a meeting point that was strategic in terms of routeways and other factors rather than an obscure location where three administrative boundaries now meet. From the evidence available, it also seems difficult to define this as east of or in the eastern part of Selwood, which is required in order to fit Asser‘s and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles’ descriptions of the location. For these reasons I consider this site to be a less likely location for Egbert’s Stone.

We need to remind ourselves of the size and shape of Selwood. Towards its southern extremity it extended eastwards across to at least Gillingham Forest (Source: Hutchins, History and Antiquities of Dorset, 1774) and further north, in Wiltshire, it extended east at least as far as Warminster. We know this because the following settlements answered at the forest eyre 1187-90: Heytesbury, Knoyle and Westbury. The following villages etc were represented at forest inquisitions: Longbridge Deverill, Sutton Veny, Warminster, and Westbury (source: Victoria County History. Wiltshire Volume IV, 1959)

It is possible that somebody wished to mark the junction of the three counties with a stone and that this has somehow become tangled up with the record of Alfred’s assembling of troops from different counties. However, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles do not include Dorset as a county providing forces (although Gaimar does), which further weakens the case for Egbert’s Stone being located here.

Michael Wood, the historian and television presenter, attributes the location of Egbert’s Stone to Penselwood, which is very close to the junction between the three counties, although I don’t know whether that was the reason why he chose it. Pen Selwood is also the supposed location of the Battle of Peonnum, which had been an important victory for the Saxons in 658. However, this was before the time of King Egbert so I cannot see how his name would have become associated with this.

Parts two and three of my Egbert’s Stone posts are now available.

Superb Egbert's Stone Ale, made by the Copper Street Brewery in Dorchester, Dorset, on the pump in the lovely Royal Standard pub, Upwey, Weymouth. — Superb Egbert’s Stone Ale, made by the Copper Street Brewery in Dorchester, Dorset, on the pump in the lovely Royal Standard pub, Upwey, Weymouth.

You can view my video on Egbert’s Stone below:

There is much more about the travels of King Alfred in my book, including maps and references. Tap or click the image below to learn more about the book.

June 15, 2018February 6, 2022

King Alfred and the history of Wareham

This post is adapted from my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from Amazon.

The history of Wareham is fascinating and the town and nearby Poole harbour are lovelyplaces to visit. However, not everybody will be aware of the dramatic events that took place here in the 9th century.

Wareham Quay, the Purbecks, Dorset, viewed from the south bank of the River Frome. The Vikings may have disembarked here.

Wareham had been occupied by the Vikings in 875, but Alfred made piece with them in 876 when the Vikings swore on the halgan beage (holy ring) that they would leave Wessex. However, they left under the cover of darkness and went instead to Exeter, in Devonshire but also part of Wessex. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that the Vikings had given hostages to Alfred as part of the deal, and that these men had been the worthiest in the Viking army. We cannot be sure if this ring was presented in the negotiations by Alfred or by the Vikings, or who it was “holy” to, if not to both parties. It is possible that either the Vikings or Alfred had access to a holy ring as they travelled from place to place. If it was a Viking ring, then Alfred clearly must have had the upper hand to make them swear on it, which would fit with the fact that Alfred was also given important hostages, which could be killed if the Vikings reneged on the deal. The Vikings must have seen Exeter as a great prize if it meant sacrificing their worthiest men. One can imagine how the Vikings might have viewed the subsequent loss of 120 ships near Swanage in a storm as they fled to Exeter as divine retribution for breaking an oath sworn on a holy ring.

On balance it seems to me that this ring was presented by Alfred. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles refer to it as “holy” and it seems unlikely to me that something un-Christian would be referred to in this way.

Wareham, the Purbecks, Dorset. A view of Lady St Mary's church from the south bank of the River Frome. Was this the heart of early to middle Saxon Wareham? — Wareham, the Purbecks, Dorset. A view of Lady St Mary’s church from the south bank of the River Frome. Was this the heart of early to middle Saxon Wareham?

But, what was at Wareham when the Vikings attacked? Asser describes Wareham as a castellum (fortification) and the location of a convent for nuns. We know that Alfred embarked on a programme of defending settlements after 878 and it is thought that the origins of the walls that we see today were built then, although we know that they were modified over subsequent centuries. The fortification referred to by Asser is therefore probably not the same as the walls we see today. Castellum could also relate to an ancient or Roman construction, for which there is no remaining evidence, or even Saxon pre-878 defences developed because of a specific risk of Viking attack.

Wareham, the Purbecks, Dorset. The north stretch of the Saxon wall, with the River Piddle disappearing off to the west.

Wareham, the Purbecks, Dorset. The west section of the town's Saxon wall — Wareham, the Purbecks, Dorset. The west section of the town’s Saxon wall

However, things become even more complicated when we look at Æthelweard’s chronicle. He describes the Vikings moving down from Cambridge to near (iuxta) Wareham and occupying a location alongside (coniecit statum communem cum) a Western Army. There appears to be a significant difference between Æthelweard and Asser as the latter states that the Viking army enterred (intravit) the castellum of Wareham. However these two sources may just be providing two snapshots of a sequence. Taking it all together it appears that the Vikings camped outside of the settlement of Wareham and then took it over, perhaps after besieging it.

But where did the Vikings camp and how did they get there? We know that there must have been a combined land and sea force because that is what left Wareham when they fled to Exeter. We also know that the seaborne force must have been considerable because the Vikings lost 120 ships in a storm near Swanage when fleeing. The ships must have come in to Poole harbour, and perhaps they would have taken some ships up the Frome in order to get closer to Wareham. Presumably, with that many ships, they would have defended their rear by perhaps occupying Brownsea Island and the harbour entrance. This would have been a most serious situation. Try to imagine today over 120 Viking ships in Poole harbour. In fact there would have been more than this as 120, the only figure that we have, is the number that sunk in the storm of Swanage. It is unlikely that all Viking boats had sunk. And on top of this was the land-basedViking army. It is difficult to see that the native settlement at Wareham would have had a chance. The Vikings broke their oath when they fled to Exeter, but Alfred’s intervention had saved Wareham, and we must remember that when the Vikings got to Exeter they had to deal with Alfred again, and this time they did leave Wessex.

How the Viking land-based forces got to Wareham must be very speculative. There may have been a Roman road from Wareham to Woodbury Hill, near Bere Regis. This may have been in use in Alfred’s time because there is still today a straight road that heads in that direction. However, this seems to be in the wrong place (being north-west instead of north-east) if they had come from Cambridge. There is nothing to indicate where Alfred had travelled from.

The nearby church of Lady St Mary, although subject to much rebuilding, has an important history going back to at least the 8th century. Inside the church are several pieces of masonry that are dated to Anglo-Saxon times.

Wareham, the Purbecks, Dorset. Lady St Mary's church. There would have been a church here at the time of King Alfred the Great. — Wareham, the Purbecks, Dorset. Lady St Mary’s church. There would have been a church here at the time of King Alfred the Great.

Another important location in the history of Wareham is the very old St Martin’s church, . This church is generally locked outside of the main tourist season, but there is usually an indication of where to get the key in normal trading hours (it is kept in a shop). It is thought that the current building dates to about 1030. The church also contains important 12th century wall paintings.

Wareham, the Purbecks, Dorset. St Martin's church — Wareham, the Purbecks, Dorset. St Martin’s church

One version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (E) tells us that King Edward the Martyr was initially buried at Wareham after he had been murdered at nearby Corfe in 978. Although he was later transferred to Shaftesbury, his initial burial would probably have been at or near the site of St Mary’s church. The “A” manuscript of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tells us that King Beorhtric of Wessex had died in 802 and the entry for 786 tells us that his body lies at Wareham (confusingly telling us where his remains are before telling us that he died). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles for this period are thought to have been composed in the very late 9th century, so it seems that he was not translated in the intervening period to Shaftesbury, Wimborne or Sherborne. The implication is that Wareham may have been a much more important place than it seems to us now. Perhaps Viking raiding had something to do with its loss of status, although it should be born in mind that by the time of the Domesday survey Wareham had two moneyers.

This was not the last that Wareham would see of the Vikings. They attacked Dorset again via the Frome, which then runs past Wareham, in 998 and 1015.

A sword was found in 1927 while widening a bridge. This sword is thought to be Saxon, but some have indicated that it might be Viking. There are inscribed stones in Lady St Mary’s church that are believed to derive from the 7th to 9th centuries (RCHM Dorset, Vol2 Part 2). Unfortunately, what remained of the Saxon church was demolished in 1842. It is thought to have been of a similar size to the current church (RCHM Dorset, Vol2 Part 2). It must have been an impressive Saxon church, sadly no longer.

You can view my short video on Wareham here:

There is much more about the travels of King Alfred in my book, including maps and references. Click or tap on the image below to learn more about the book.