This is one of the places where, although there is no record of his presence, I feel that King Alfred probably would have visited Saxon Wells some point. I excluded many such places from my book (although I included some, like Guildford and Somerton), but I thought it might be good to write a few words about Wells for the blog, especially as I found a few things commemorating King Alfred in the city.
Wells Cathedral, Somerset. Stained glass window showing King Alfred the Great and his son King Edward the Elder
It is said that a church at Wells was created by Ine, King of Wessex, in 705. This would have survived up to about 1175, when work on the current Cathedral is thought to have commenced. Outside the cathedral, near the south transept, a map on an information board shows where the Saxon church would have been in the early and late Saxon periods.
Wells cathedral, Somerset. An information board in the grounds showing the location of the earlier Saxon churchWells cathedral, Somerset. Using the above map, it seems that the altar of the Saxon church would have been near the wooden bench (to the right of the middle of the picture). I have taken the photo down the line of the orientation of the Saxon church.
I found the parallels between Saxon Wells and Winchester to be striking in that the cathedral is to the side of the Saxon church (although in Winchester it is to the north instead of the south at Wells), and the mis-alignment between the Saxon church and the cathedral is about the same in both cases. Perhaps the cathedrals were built to the side in order to allow people to worship in the earlier building while the new one was being constructed.
Wells cathedral, Somerset. Stained glass window showing King Alfred the Great. St Martin of Tours is shown to the left
There are also striking similarities between Saxon Wells and Crediton, in Devon. Not only did they both become the base of new dioceses after 909 upon the division of the diocese of Sherborne, but the main ecclesiastical establishments at both locations are closely associated with wells or springs. It might, however, be that the associations between important religious buildings and such water sources may have been lost in other locations. At Wells, the association has survived in the name of the city, and the well that is thought to have been the inspiration (St Andrew’s well) can still be seen beyond the east end (and slightly to the south) of the cathedral. It lies in the grounds of the Bishop’s Palace, but can also be espied through a hole in the wall in the cathedral’s grounds.
St Andrew’s Well seen from a gap in the wall from the grounds of the cathedral
Although there is no evidence that King Alfred was at Wells, I feel that he would have been present at some time. The church was founded by the Wessex King Ine and was significant enough to become a diocese after 909AD after the enormous diocese of Sherborne was divided. King Alfred is certainly remembered in the cathedral. There are two stained glass windows of him, and a seat cover that recalls his presence at Wedmore. There are more details about King Alfred and Wedmore in this post.
Wells Cathedral, Somerset. Seat cover commemorating King Alfred’s presence at Wedmore in 878This is a sign on a closed pub in Wells. Is it King Alfred, King Ine, or King Arthur (or another king?)The magnificent Wells Cathedral, Somerset
Wells Cathedral, Somerset. From Winkles’ Cathedrals, 1836Wells Cathedral, Somerset. From Winkles’ Cathedrals, 1836
The Battle of Meretun took place two months after the battle at Basing. Alfred and his brother were fighting against the Vikings, but lost, which is what also happened at Basing. There appear to be two main candidates for the location of this battle, one being Martin in Hampshire and the other being Marden in Wiltshire. However, we have very little to go on and other places with similar names are possible. Merdon Castle, in Hampshire, is another possibility, although I have been unable to discover whether this name was acquired after the Norman Conquest. The place that seems to make the most sense to me is Martin in Hampshire, which is a village just south of the A354 main road between Salisbury and Blandford Forum.
King Æthelred (Alfred’s elder brother) died after the Battle of Meretun and he was buried at Wimborne in Dorset. It is therefore possible that he died from wounds sustained in battle but it is also possible that he lived a little longer and died of something else. If he had died of his wounds then it may be relevant to point out that Wimborne is not very far from Martin (about 14 miles). Indeed, the Roman road known as Ackling Dyke runs past Martin on its way to Badbury Rings, which is only four miles from Wimborne.
Bokerley Ditch, Martin Down, Hampshire.
The geographic feature called Martin Down lies a short distance to the west of Martin and there one can explore the famous Bokerley Ditch, which pre-dates the time of Alfred, but perhaps could have been used strategically in battle. Bokerley Ditch also cuts across a Roman road so it could have been used for either side to attack the other coming up that route. To the north this Roman road is still a bridleway and to the south it is now under the A354, so it seems likely that it would have been in use in Anglo-Saxon times. Interestingly, the county boundary between Dorset and Hampshire in this area still follows Bokerley Ditch. One can speculate as to why the Vikings might have been at Martin, and it occurs to me that a contingent from the base at Reading may have been trying to get west, perhaps to Exeter. The Vikings would indeed attack Exeter in 876 and 893, and it therefore seems plausible that they would have liked to have done so in 871.
Map of Marten and Marten Down, Hampshire (later Martin and Martin Down). Detail from map by Mudge 1811
Marden, Wiltshire
It may be impossible to disprove that the battle took place at Marden (Wiltshire) instead, but the place-name of Marden seems to have derived from Mercdene, quite dissimilar to Meretun. A charter issued by King Edmund between 944 and 946 shows Martin in Hampshire being referred to as Mertone, which is not much different from the Meretun of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles. I therefore think Marden is a less likely location than Martin for the battle of Meretun.
Marten, Wiltshire
I was also tempted by Marten in Wiltshire (yes, this does get confusing), largely because of its proximity to the Inkpen Ridgeway, connecting it to Basing, the location of the previous battle. I have written much more about Alfred’s travels in my book, which also contains maps and references. Tap or click the image.
In 896 there was an engagement between King Alfred’s navy and a Viking fleet of six ships that had arrived at the Isle of Wight and had caused harm all along the coast as far as Devon. It seems that Alfred could not have been present at this engagement because some of the fleeing Vikings were captured and taken to him at Winchester where he had them hanged. The few geographic clues provided by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles have led to speculation that the engagement took place in Poole Harbour or Christchurch Harbour in Dorset. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles refer to an ufeweard muða (ð is pronounced “th”) and it has been suggested that this means an “upper harbour.” However, I found it striking that there is an area on the north side of the harbour in Christchurch called Mudeford, with a River Mude running through it and into the harbour. Could this be the muða referred to in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles?
The River Mude flowing into Christchurch Harbour
Although I have seen it claimed that muða could also mean river, we know from elsewhere in the Chronicles and other documents that rivers were sometimes referred to by their name and that muða appears to usually mean mouth (the similarity between muða and mouth is not a coincidence) with the term for river generally being ea. Furthermore, if muða had been a generic term for river, we might expect to find other survivors such as is the case with the Brittonic language-derived Avon. However, I was unable to find any other examples of a River Mude in England. Update: I have had access to a 1797 map that shows the location as “Midde Ford”, which seems to sever the relationship of the place-name with muða.
My photograph of Christchurch Harbour, Dorset, taken from an aeroplane at dusk.
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that Alfred’s ships blocked the Viking ships in so they could not get to the uter mere. It seems unclear to me whether uter mere means “outer lake” or “outer sea”. However, the usual term for the sea in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles is sæ, with mere usually meaning a lake. Nonetheless, the Vikings had been blocked into the river and when the tide went out three ships were beached at the upper river mouth and three came forward to attack (making six, matching the number recorded as coming to the Isle of Wight). It appears that at least two Viking ships managed to escape from the trap because we are told that two of the fleeing Vikings crews came ashore in Sussex because their ships were in a poor state. King Alfred had these men hanged at Winchester. It has been suggested that they came aground while trying to get past Selsey Bill. These Vikings would therefore have come aground in Sussex somewhere between East Wittering and Selsey. That they came ashore in Sussex perhaps also makes it less likely that the battle had taken place in distant Devon, after which they would have had to round Portland Bill (or drag their boats across the causeway), near Weymouth in Dorset, first.
My photograph of Poole Harbour, Dorset, taken from an aeroplane at dusk
Perhaps the clue to potential locations for this battle lies in the fact that there were only six Viking ships. We know that Wareham (with access to Poole harbour) and Christchurch are listed in the Burghal Hidage (a list of places defended by King Alfred after 878), and would therefore probably have been defended by 896. It does not seem to make sense to me that the Vikings would have ventured close to defended locations with just six ships.
Weymouth, Dorset
Perhaps the Dorset coastal town of Weymouth (not in the Burghal Hidage, so perhaps a weak point) should be regarded as a possible site. Radipole Lake, fed by the River Wey, is connected to the sea via the town harbour, and one of Athelstan’s charters refers to all the water within the coast of Weymouth, indicating that there was an inland body of water here in Anglo-Saxon times. Indeed, it is thought that the Romans may have had some sort of port at the head of this body of water, and a Roman road ran north from near here to Dorchester. At least parts of this route appear to have remained in use today, which suggests that it might have been in use in 896, thus providing access to any Vikings that intended to raid Dorchester. This area is no stranger to Viking threat. In 840 the Vikings landed at nearby Portland, with fatal consequences for the locals, and in 2009, during construction of the Weymouth Relief Road, near Upwey, fifty-four skeletons of executed Vikings were found, although these dated to a later period than that of King Alfred. Because I live near here, I cannot resist drawing to your attention how rich the South Dorset Ridgeway is in ancient, although very much pre-Alfred, sites. For those who are interested in this, I find this blog particularly good.
The Isle of Wight
However, it seems to me that it is more likely that the events took place at one of the main rivers, including the River Medina, that flow into the Solent on the north coast of the Isle of Wight. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles do not state that the engagement took place during a Viking raid on the coast of the mainland, although it is easy to assume this because the Chronicles tell us that the Vikings had been undertaking such raiding. It is an interesting coincidence that the Old English term for the River Medina was Meðume, not terribly different from muða. An old map of the Isle of Wight suggests that the main waterways may have had constricted entrances to the sea, thus meeting the description of the location in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles. It seems to me that King Alfred’s Navy, improved after 878 AD, had managed to root out a small Viking base that had set itself up on the Isle of Wight.
My book mentions a few other locations on the south coast that could have been the site of the engagement between King Alfred’s navy and the Vikings. It also contains much more about Alfred’s travels, and contains maps and references. Tap or click the image to learn more.
This post is adapted from, and provides additional materials for, my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from Amazon and book shops. If you scroll down you will find a short video that I made on-location about Sherborne.
At least two Kings of Wessex were buried at Sherborne. It was the most important ecclesiastical location in an area covering Dorset, Devon and Cornwall. One of Anglo-Saxon history’s most important characters, Asser, King Alfred’s companion and “biographer” became bishop here. I believe there is a plausible case to be made for this to have been the most important place in Wessex until shortly after King Alfred died (when Winchester appears to have become more important). This of course challenges what you might read elsewhere, in that Winchester was King Alfred’s “Capital”. There is no evidence that this was the case.
Plaque inside Sherborne Abbey, Dorset, informing us that King Æthelberht and King Æthelbald were interred nearbyThe bones to be found near the plaque. Although they are located near the plaque there is no evidence that these are the bones of King Alfred’s brothers. They are viewed through a glass panel fitted into the floor.
Sherborne’s most important feature is its abbey, and it is here that two elder brothers of King Alfred, Æthelbald (died 860) and Æthelberht (died 865) were buried, and I consider it likely that Alfred would have been present at their funerals, or would have at least visited their resting places. He would have been about eleven years old at the time of the first death, and about sixteen at the time of the second. It is also possible that a third brother of Alfred was buried at Sherborne as well. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles, with the exception of the B version, have this brother, Æthelred, buried at Wimborne (Dorset), but the B version tells us that he was buried at Sherborne. I consider that this contradiction can be resolved by considering that Æthelred may initially have been interred at Wimborne and then later moved to Sherborne, probably because of the relative importance of the latter location. That the other two brothers had been interred at Sherborne supports the idea that this place was more important than Wimborne. However, it should be noted that there is a 10th century charter (S813) issued by King Edgar that tells us that he had ancestors resting at Sherborne, with these being Æthelbald and Æthelberht, with Æthelred unmentioned, and therefore probably not transferred there after all.
Sherborne Abbey, Dorset
There is a plaque in the abbey indicating the approximate location of the burials of Æthelbald and Æthelberht, and there is nearby a small area where the floor has been replaced by glass and some bones can be seen beneath. However, I was told that it is not really known whose remains these are. Asser tells us that when Æthelberht died he was buried next to his brother Æthelbald. Leland, writing in the sixteenth century tells us that he saw no tombs for these kings nor any written indication of where they might be. He also says that they were buried behind the high altar, but he does not disclose how he knew that.
Approximate postulated outline of the Saxon abbey precinct (after Dorset Historic Towns Survey: Sherborne, 2011)
It is significant that Asser, King Alfred’s companion and biographer, and from whose writings we derive so much information, became bishop of Sherborne at some time in the 890s, while King Alfred was still alive, and it appears that he continued in this role until his death in 909, ten years after Alfred had died. In order to understand the importance of Sherborne in Alfred’s time it is important to appreciate that it had a huge diocese, created by King Ine of Wessex in 705, that extended all the way down to Land’s End in Cornwall.
I have see it claimed (in an unpublished work; it perhaps appears elsewhere) that the young Alfred was educated at Sherborne under Bishop Ealhstan. Because Sherborne was a place of importance this cannot be ruled out. However, this would have to mean (Asser chapter 22) that Sherborne was the location of the royal court, and I don’t think that there is enough evidence that it was. The royal court may have been at Winchester or it may not have even had a fixed location.
Stained glass window in Sherborne Abbey showing King Alfred and Asser
The Abbey still has Saxon elements despite much of the earlier church being demolished by Roger of Caen to be replaced by a larger Norman one. As you walk around Sherborne it is easy to be unaware of just how important this place would have been. In my opinion it must have been one of the most important places in Wessex, perhaps even the most important, in a period before Winchester would be able to claim that title.
Statue of Aldhelm inside Sherborne Abbey. Aldhelm became the first bishop of Sherborne in 705 AD. By Marzia Colonna, and erected 2004.
Some background. Sherborne became a bishopric in 705 when the see of Winchester was divided. Aldhelm became its first bishop. However, there is evidence, perhaps unsurprisingly, that there was an ecclesiastic foundation at Sherborne before that date, called Lanprobus. However, I will stop here for fear of drifting too far from the subject of King Alfred. Perhaps I shall post separately with more details in future.
Map of Sherborne (detail). 1802, adapted from a 1735 map by Ladd.
I have written much more about Alfred’s travels in my book, which also contains maps and references. Tap or click the image to learn more.
The following article on King Alfred and Wimborne is adapted from, and provides additional materials for, my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from Amazon It would be great if you could support this project by purchasing a copy.
Death of Æthelred
Wimborne (or Wimborne Minster) is a significant historic town in Dorset and is the location of the important Wimborne Minster, which has a history going back to the 8th century. Most versions of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that after the 871 AD battle at Meretun (unknown location, but possibly Martin in Hampshire) King Æthelred, Alfred’s older brother, was buried at Wimborne. However, one version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tells us that he was buried at Sherborne, which seems plausible as the two previous kings and brothers of Alfred, Æthelbald and Æthelbehrt, had been buried there. I consider it possible that Æthelred was initially interred at Wimborne, and then later moved to Sherborne, probably because of the relative importance of the latter location. It is further recorded that Alfred had been present at his brother’s funeral rites, which is what we would expect.
The plaque inside Wimborne Minster, Dorset, dedicated to King Æthelred. Incidentally, there is no evidence that he was killed in battle. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles indicate that he died some time afterwards. The keen-eyed will note that the upper portion of Æthelred’s sceptre has been broken off.
Alfred becomes King
We know that Alfred himself became king after the death of King Æthelred, although the location where this formally took place has not been recorded. I suggest, however, that there is a good chance that Alfred became king at Wimborne, particularly if he had already been designated as next in line, which Asser tells us was the case. Alfred’s immediate elevation on the death of his brother also makes sense in the context of the kingship having run sequentially through Æthelwulf’s sons up to that point. Asser points out a couple of times that Alfred had been what he calls secundarius and that he took over immediately (confestim) on the death of his brother. It should be borne in mind, however, that just because we are told that Æthelred had been buried at Wimborne does not mean that he died there, with this meaning that Alfred could have become king somewhere else. Nonetheless, Wimborne seems plausible because we know that it had significance because the royal estate there was seized in 899 by Æthelwold after Alfred’s death (if it was significant in 899 it seems likely that had been so in 871).
The tower of Wimborne Minster, Dorset
The battles that took place in 871 indicate that Wessex was clearly in a state of emergency at the time King Æthelred died, and perhaps the formal ceremonial arrangements of Alfred’s accession were delayed until the relatively peaceful period between 872 and 874 when the Vikings that had been at Reading were causing trouble in Mercia and Northumbria instead. If there was ever a formal ceremony, we have no evidence of it. It has been suggested that Alfred became king in Winchester, but I have seen no evidence of this. Furthermore, it appears that Kingston-upon-Thames had not yet become (as it would) the favoured site for the consecration of the Anglo-Saxon kings.
Map of Wimborne, Dorset. Detail from an 1811 map by MudgeMap of Wimborne, Dorset (detail), showing the area around the minster. From Hutchins 3rd Edition (1870)
The relationship between King Alfred and Wimborne is an interesting one.
There is much more about the travels of King Alfred in my book, including maps and references. Tap or click the image to learn more.
Update on the plaque in Wimborne Minster.
I came across some articles of the Dorset Natural History and Antiquarian Field Club, which shed further light on the plaque (or, more correctly, plaques. The 1918 contribution by Reverend Almack reminds us that restoration took place 1855-7. he goes on to tell us that the slab that had been over the remains of King Æthelred “was cut away, in spite of protest, and only the portion sufficient to cover the brass was allowed to remain.” We are also told that during restoration the remains of a tesselated pavement and the bases of columns were observed, which has led to speculation that the first church here was built over a Roman temple. However, the authors of the Royal Commission on Historic Monuments suggests that this may have been from the original church of St Cuthburh.
This monument was clearly a hot topic as in the 1919 issue there is a long article by Reverend Fletcher, which he had read out in 1918. In this he states that the plaque(s) were “placed in the floor on the north side of the sanctuary at Wimborne Minster, about 15 ft from the east wall, and consists of three metal plates.” Of course, today, the plaques are on the wall and not on the floor. The author reminds us that brasses were not used in England until about the 13th century, although this one may be more recent, possibly 15th century. Therefore, the brass cannot be contemporaneous with the death of Æthelred. Furthermore, the author points out that the section with script is even more recent and is copper not brass. This second inscription plate was found to be a palimpsest and may be 18th century (Dorset Natural History and Antiquarian Field Club Proceedings 1919, p32)
So, where are King Æthelred’s remains? Unless there is a huge coincidence, we can be sure that they are not where the plaque is, because it has been moved at least once, and is not contemporaneous with his death in any case. It is possible, however, that when the brass sections were made they were placed at the (at least claimed) location of his remains, which would have been within the footprint of the Saxon church and probably near the altar. This would have been just to the east of the crossing, which seems to have stayed in the same place over time (RCHM. Dorset. Vol V; East). It needs to be recalled, however, that he may have been moved to Sherborne. If he had been moved to Sherborne, there was still a record of him by Leland in 1536 at Wimborne.
Leland describes the text on the plaque, which is the same as we have now except for a different (and obviously wrong) date. Camden, writing in 1586, tells us that the tomb had been recently repaired, so it is possible that the date was corrected then and that the text part of the plaque that we have now dates to that time. Or perhaps Camden just wrote the wrong date down and the plaque did not need correction at the time of the repair. Leland also tells us that by 1828 Æthelred’s tomb had been by that of St Cuthberga, which was at the north side of the Presbytery (chancel). He goes on to tell us that St Cuthberga was then moved to the east end of the altar. St Cuthberga is hugely important to this church, but I will have to go into that further elsewhere, time permitting.
Things are further complicated by the finding (as reported by a Dr Smart in The Genetleman’s Magazine, 1865) that when enlarging a vault under the presbytery in 1837, a skeleton of a man was exhumed at the north east corner, near the site of the original altar. This man was 6ft 4 ins tall. Could this have been Æthelred? It certainly seems a suitable location. This same source includes a suggestion that Æthelred died of his wounds at Witchampton (north of Wimborne), based on this being a similar name to “Whittingham”, a place mentioned by earlier writers, such as Camden. However, we don’t know where Camden got this from and, in any case, Witchampton does not seem to connect with the name Whittingham (Mills, Place Names of Dorset. Part 2). Witchampton as a legendary place of death of Æthelred is again mentioned in A Topography of Alfred’s Wars in Wessex, by Williams-Freeman. However, I haven’t come across anything to support this other than that Witchampton is on a plausible route between Martin and Wimborne. Nonetheless, a portable information board in the church at Witchampton states: “The old records say his funeral procession came through Witchampton, where the bier rested on its way to Wimborne. Among the mourners was his brother who later became King Alfred the Great.” Unfortunately, we are again not told what these “old records” are. Witchampton was also the location of the discovery of late Saxon chess pieces.
A King Sigferth was also buried at Wimborne, in AD 962. This is a mysterious character who we know very little about, including what he was king of. The entry in the Anglo Saxon Chronicles is generally translated that he committed suicide. I am uncertain whether he would have been allowed to have been buried in the church if that was the case. Much rests on the meaning of offeoll in “Sigferð cyning hine offeoll“.
It is fascinating to think that Wimborne Minster once had a spire, which fell in 1600.
This post looks at King Alfred in the history of Dorchester (Dorset), and is adapted from, and provides additional materials for, my book , King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from Amazon and book shops.
I have lived near Dorchester for many years. Evidence from charters (legal documents showing transfers of land or rights) indicates that Alfred came to Dorchester while his elder brother Æthelred was king, and therefore presumably there would have been some sort of Saxon base there. Links to transcripts of these charters are here and here. Please note that very few charters have not been challenged as to their authenticity, either in whole or in part.
The line of the west wall of Dorchester, looking north towards Salisbury Street.
Where was the royal residence?
Clues about the Saxon history of Dorchester are scant, and this includes any evidence that might help us establish the location of a Saxon royal residence at the time of King Alfred. My personal speculation, which I have heard others suggest as well, is that the royal site would have included the location on the northern edge of the town where the current prison buildings are sited, where we know that the Norman castle was also located. It seems to make sense that if a site was deemed defendable by the Saxons (which a royal site would need to be) then it would hold a similar appeal for the Normans. It therefore seems plausible that the Normans would have built their castle on the site of the previous Saxon fortification/royal residence. There is a very pleasant footpath that follows the River Frome and which passes below the site of the former castle. From there one can understand how elevated (and therefore defendable) the site would have been.
Dorchester prison, now being converted to residences, is on the site of the Norman castle, and possibly also the Saxon stronghold/royal location.
Map of Dorchester Dorset, presented to Mayor Kingston. From Hutchins. Research suggests this ultimately derives from 1771.
Fordington
It has been suggested that King Alfred spent every Christmas at a royal manor at Fordington, which is now part of Dorchester but was once a separate settlement, not only to the east, but also around the south and to the west (where it was called West Fordington). I have found nothing to support the claim that there was a Christmas residence of the Wessex court in or near Dorchester. The oldest reference I could find referring to this was in Beatrice Adelaide Lees’ 1915 book on King Alfred where she states “…there is nothing to show that he was in North Wiltshire at the time of the inroad, and the Dorset Dorchester, which was a more usual place for the Christmas sojourn of the West-Saxon court…”. However, she does not indicate where she gets this information from. The Viking attack of Chippenham of 878 is being referred to.
It has been suggested that King Alfred spent every Christmas at a royal manor at Fordington, which is now part of Dorchester but was once a separate settlement, not only to the east, but also around the south and to the west (where it was called West Fordington). I have found nothing to support the claim that there was a Christmas residence of the Wessex court in or near Dorchester. The oldest reference I could find referring to this was in Beatrice Adelaide Lees’ 1915 book on King Alfred where she states “…there is nothing to show that he was in North Wiltshire at the time of the inroad, and the Dorset Dorchester, which was a more usual place for the Christmas sojourn of the West-Saxon court…”. However, she does not indicate where she gets this information from. The Viking attack of Chippenham of 878 is being referred to.
I have also read that Fordington became a royal manor after the Romans left and that the first church there had been built about 857, and that this was a royal church dedicated to St George. Although the earliest parts of the current St George’s church date to the 11th century, it is located at the site of a Roman cemetery so the location was clearly a significant one stretching back to ancient times, which makes the presence of a church being there in 857 seem more plausible.
The Roman gravestone that is to be found inside St George’s Church, Fordington. An explanatory plaque tells us that it was found in 1907 as a foundation stone beneath the Norman porch.
It is thought that burials found at the site of what is now the Trumpet Major pub were Saxon (although earlier than the time of King Alfred) (DNHAS Proceedings 1984)
St George’s church, Fordington, Dorchester(Dorset)
So, we have two potential royal locations that are close to each other, one in the centre of Dorchester at the site of the former prison, and the other at Fordington. Although the evidence from charters suggests that Dorchester really was a royal location, I am not aware of any charters having been issued from Fordington. It is perhaps possible that a royal residence at Fordington would have been close enough to Dorchester to go under that name, or that the residence was at Fordington while the charters were signed at nearby Dorchester. Fordington is so close to Dorchester that I found that I could walk, at a brisk pace, from St George’s church in Fordington to the closest point of Dorchester’s former Roman walls in a matter of three minutes.
This image of Fordington is from Richard Grosvenor Bartelot’s History of Fordington (1915). St George’s church is shown. The position from which it was drawn is somewhat difficult to determine, but I think it might have been somewhere near the junction of High Street Fordington and Pound Lane.View of St George’s Church, Fordington from the north west, where the farm was once located. From Richard Grosvenor Bartelot’s History of Fordington (1915).
Dorchester’s walls
It seems to me that the Roman walls (perhaps replaced or repaired in places) would have been present in Alfred’s time and would have probably continued to define and defend the town. This is supported by the fact that even today much of the line of the walls can still be followed. The exception to this is the northern section stretching between Northernhay and Salisbury Street where it is possible that there was no wall at all, with the River Frome providing defence instead. My personal opinion is that there would have been a wall here as well, which has long since been destroyed and built over. A recognition that the town was walled leads to a discussion about the location of gates through which King Alfred might have passed, including when he was pursuing the Vikings from Wareham to Exeter, perhaps passing through Dorchester, in 876. The main east-west road through Dorchester is probably just slightly north of the line of the Roman road and at the West Gate, which would have been near the Top o’ Town roundabout, two Roman roads led to Exeter (via Bridport) and Ilchester. The Exeter road is still the main road to Winterborne Abbas. The road to Ilchester survives in the road to Bradford Peverell, but is no longer evident near the Top o’ Town roundabout, where it is submerged under the car park. It is perhaps possible that the small shift to the current east-west road alignment took place in the Saxon period.
Looking east down the main east-west route through Dorchester. Evidence suggests that the Roman route was beneath the buildings on the right, although perhaps the current alignment was in place by King Alfred’s time.
It is easy to think of a wall in isolation, but here in Dorchester it was surrounded by (at least in parts) a triple ditch. On the south side the ditches stretched from where South Walks footpath is, right across South Walks Road and well into the land on the other side (from map RCHM. Dorset II. Part 3).
The layout of the main streets seems to have changed somewhat from Roman times to now. The alignment of the main east-west street has already been mentioned, but the Roman road leading from this street to the south gate (and therefore the main north-south road, possibly the cardo maximus) is postulated to run approx 15 degrees divergent to the current main north-south route (map RCHM. Dorset II. Part 3). Taking these Roman orientations to be correct, it is not known when the orientation of the main streets changed to what it is today. Given that changes are recorded in texts for other towns in King Alfred’s reign (eg London and Shaftesbury), it seems possible that the changes at Dorchester also took place in this period.
If there was indeed a north wall, there may well have been a gate in it. However, we only know of a North gate from Civil War records when it was repaired ( source: Hutchins, 3rd ed.).
In 1891 William Miles Barnes, son of William Barnes, made a bold effort to try to demonstrate that the 7th century St Birinus had been the bishop of Dorchester in Dorset, as opposed to Dorchester-on-Thames, Oxfordshire. I am not aware of this hypothesis still being “live” and it seems to me that nobody now thinks other than that Birinus was bishop at Dorchester-on-Thames. His attempt appears in Vol II of Notes & Queries for Somerset and Dorset. There is a remarkable, sometimes unpleasant, to-and-fro between Barnes and a “W.B.W.” (and others) throughout this volume. However, Dorchester never had a bishop, although there was a bishop of Dorset, based at Sherborne, between 909 and 1075 (when the seat was moved to Old Sarum). The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that at 639 Birinus baptised a Cuthred in Dorces ceastre. This spelling matches Dorchester-on-Thames better than Dorchester in Dorset, which is rendered as variations on Dornwaraceaster. A Dorchester is also mentioned in ASC A at 636 where Birinus baptises a Cwichelm, although the text (Corpus Christi MS173) is unclear at this entry. Further, it seems unlikely that Dorchester (Dorset) would have been a comfortable place to set up a (unrecorded) bishopric in the early 600s, because this area may still have been contested or even held by the British at this time – the battle at Peonnum did not take place until 658.
To learn more about locations across southern England associated with King Alfred, perhaps try my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from book shops and Amazon. Click the image below to learn more.
Many thanks to Copper Street Brewery, near Dorchester South station, for stocking copies of my book. It goes well with the names of their beers, which have a King Alfred/Anglo-Saxon theme. I have sampled most of their beers and they are excellent. A shout out also to KeeP 106 (Dorchester) radio, where I talked on air about my book and the history of Dorchester in Saxon times.
Dorchester’s only remaining stretch of original Roman wall (on Albert Road, near Top O’ Town roundabout)South Walks Road, Dorchester (Dorset). An example of how the line of the Roman walls has become embedded in Dorchester’s layout. In Roman times the triple ditch would have extended into the land on the other side of the road.
It would be great if you could support this project by purchasing a copy.
Dorset was an important in the time of King Alfred. Important roles were played by Sherborne, Wimborne, Dorchester and Shaftesbury. An important engagement with the Vikings took place at Wareham. Undoubtedly, much went on that never made it into the historical sources that are available to us today. In this post I shall take a look at Shaftesbury.
King Alfred founded a nunnery at Shaftesbury and it is thought that this was at the same site as where the Normans later constructed their abbey. Although the Norman abbey is now a ruin, it is a delightful and evocative place to visit, as is the rest of the town.
King Alfred in the grounds of Shaftesbury Abbey, Dorset
Asser tells us that Alfred ordered the building of a monastery near Shaftesbury’s east gate and that his daughter Æthelgifu was appointed abbess. However, this is initially confusing because the Abbey is south-west of the centre, so it seems that it should have been by a west gate. But the modern centre appears not to align well with what was there in Alfred’s time and, when this is taken into account, the abbey was indeed at the eastern aspect of the town. The nunnery This abbey was well endowed; Asser (99-102) tells us that, in combination with the new abbey at Athelney, it received one eighth of King’s Alfred’s taxation income.
Unfortunately, no early source tells us when the nunnery was built. However, Ranulf Higden’s Polychronicon indicates that it was after Alfred had restored London, and we know from the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles that Alfred took control of London in 886. This suggests that the nunnery may have been built in 886 at the earliest and 893 at the latest (because it had to be present at the time Asser was writing, believed to be 893).
Looking down Gold Hill (perhaps the most famous place in Shaftesbury). The wall to the right, known as Park Wall, once formed the western boundary to the Abbey’s grounds. The outline of the abbey’s grounds in Alfred’s time is not known.
However, Higden also tells us that around the time that Alfred restored the settlement of Shaftesbury in 880, Pope Marinus sent Alfred a piece of the “true cross.” Manuscript E of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles indicates that this was sent in 882. I found out that Marinus was pope between December 882 and May 884, indicating that the item could only have been sent in December 882. This led me to change my mind from believing that the abbey was built between 886 and 893 to a belief that it was in use by 882 or 883 because it seems plausible that the fragment of the true cross had been destined for either the new and important nunnery at Shaftesbury or the new abbey at Athelney, which was built at about the same time. In a generous attempt to make everything fit, one could argue that the nunnery might have come into use before its completion, with this being in the period 886-893, after King Alfred had restored London, although this itself must have taken some time to complete. The current location of this piece of the “true cross” is not known, although there is a reputed fragment of the true cross, which could be different to the one sent to Alfred, in St Michael and St Gudula Cathedral in Brussels, Belgium.
Postulated approximate outline of the Saxon burh. (After Dorset Historic Towns Survey: Shaftesbury, 2011)
Shaftesbury was clearly a very important place. In 980 the nunnery became the resting place of King Edward the Martyr after he had been murdered at Corfe Castle in 978 (he was initially interred at Wareham). His shrine became a focus for pilgrimage, and perhaps this was what King Canute was undertaking when he died at Shaftesbury in 1035. In 944 the site also became the burial place of Ælfgifu, who was the first wife of King Edmund who also became venerated as a saint. Elisabeth, the wife of Robert the Bruce, King of Scotland, was also briefly held here.
Map of Shaftesbury, Dorset. Detail from 1811 map by Mudge.
A Saxon pottery kiln dating to approx 660-880 was found at or near the current Tesco car park (during investigations before the area was redeveloped) (DNHAS V129, 2008). These discoveries fit with the earlier 1976 discovery of late Saxon pottery during floor replacement in the crypt of St Peter’s Church (DNHAS V99, 1977) and a later findings of Saxon pottery fragments at Barton Hill (DNHAS V137, 2016), a site close to the location of the earlier-discovered pottery kiln, because all three sites are outside of, and to the east of, the Saxon burgh.
Map of Shaftesbury, Dorset (detail) . From an undated “History of Shaftesbury”, Nichols and Sons, Red Lion Passage, Fleet StreetMap of Shaftesbury, Dorset, 1799. From an undated “History of Shaftesbury”, Nichols and Sons, Red Lion Passage, Fleet Street
There is much more about the travels of King Alfred in my book, including maps and references. Tap or click the image below to learn more.
Many thanks to thisisalfred.com for taking an interest in my writing. Hopefully, a recorded chat that we had at the Abbey will be available soon.
This post focuses on the Deverills in Wiltshire and is my third post on Egbert’s Stone. The others are here and here. There is a link to a video at the end of this post. This post is adapted from my book, available on Amazon and bookshops.
In my book I argue that the place more likely than any other single location to have been Egbert’s Stone is the collection of villages known today as the Upper Deverills. The Upper Deverills are a short distance south of Warminster (Wiltshire) and consist of three small villages on the River Deverill, now named on maps as part of the River Wylye. These villages are Kingston Deverill, Monkton Deverill and Brixton Deverill. Please note that I have worded this carefully. It is impossible to apply mathematical probabilities to the different options, but hopefully the following will serve as an illustration. If there were to be eleven alternative locations and I ascribed a 20% likelihood of one location being correct and 8% to each of the remaining ten, then it should be seen to be clear that saying that a single location seems more likely than any other single location is a very long way from saying that it was more likely to have been there than anywhere else.
Looking back to Kingston Deverill, Wiltshire, from the climb up to Cold Kitchen Hill
The ford that lies on the border between Kingston Deverill and Monkton Deverill is thought to be at the junction of two important Roman roads and the area is just a short distance north of the ancient track known as the Harrow Way (also known as the Hard Way). In fact, some of the nearby A303 main road lies on the course of this ancient trackway. Indeed, near Willoughby Hedge service station, the A303 (on the line of the Harrow Way) crosses one of the Roman roads that leads to the aforementioned ford, so this could be a significant location as well, and I expand on this in the book.
A Roman road runs through this hedge! Near Willoughby Hedge service station on the A303.
Kingston Deverill is also associated with a legend that three large stones were once brought down from Court Hill, adjacent to the village. These once served as stepping stones but were also considered to have been “Egbert’s Stones” (the early sources do not indicate that there was more than one). The name of Court Hill has also been brought into the story in that King Egbert (Alfred’s grand-father) “held court” on the hill. None of this can be proved, but it seems to me that this is the more likely location even without this legend. This is not only because of the proximity of important ancient routes, but also because following the river away from here is a plausible route to options for the location that Alfred went next, which was called Iglea (and the last stop before the Battle of Ethandun. The site also fits with Asser‘s description of Egbert’s Stone being in the eastern part of Selwood.
We need to remind ourselves of the size and shape of Selwood. Towards its southern extremity it extended eastwards across to at least Gillingham Forest (Source: Hutchins, History and Antiquities of Dorset, 1774) and further north, in Wiltshire, it extended east at least as far as Warminster. We know this because the following settlements answered at the forest eyre 1187-90: Heytesbury, Knoyle and Westbury. The following villages etc were represented at forest inquisitions: Longbridge Deverill, Sutton Veny, Warminster, and Westbury (source: Victoria County History. Wiltshire Volume IV, 1959)
The ford between Kingston Deverill and Monkton Deverill, Wiltshire. Two Roman roads crossed at or close to here.
I visited the ford and found it to be a lovely spot that also seemed well cared for. Please note that there are signs saying that the ford is not suitable for vehicles to cross. If you visit Kingston Deverill, remember to visit the 15th century St Mary’s church (although there may have been an earlier structure) where I was delighted to find a banner depicting King Alfred, indicating that his connections with this area have not been forgotten.
King Alfred banner in St Mary’s church, Kingston Deverill, Wiltshire
There is a legend that Alfred prayed at a church at Monkton Deverill before the Battle of Ethandun, and this church later became dedicated to St Alfred the Great. The church is now a private residence, and appears to have been constructed more recently than the time of King Alfred, although there may have been an earlier structure on the site (I am not aware of any evidence of this).
When walking in the hills here I rarely see anyone else and it seems to me that this beautiful rural area is relatively under-visited. I recommend the stiff climb up towards Cold Kitchen Hill (itself an important site in pre-historic and Roman times) for the elevated views over the Upper Deverills that this provides.
Later on, I found an additional contender for Egbert’s Stone just south of the railway line, and on the county boundary, about a third of the way between Westbury and Frome. This appeared on OS maps as Ecbright’s Stone until 1901, after which it disappeared. However, this seems to be far too close to Edington (bearing in mind Alfred would camp an additional night somewhere else before the battle). Today the OS map marks it as a boundary stone, just on the edge of a feature called Round Wood, and perhaps that is all it ever was. Looking at maps, it seems that this site has no public access.
Finally, it is worth noting that both Asser and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicles refer to camps (i.e. plural) at Egbert’s Stone, with Asser reverting to a singular for camp at Æcglea/Iglea. If the Deverills are the correct location, it is perhaps therefore possible that Alfred’s camps were in more than one location there.
I made a video about Egbert’s Stone:
There is much more about the travels of King Alfred in my book, including maps and references. Tap or click on the image below to learn more.
This post is adapted from my book, King Alfred: A Man on the Move, available from Amazon. It would be great if you could support this project by purchasing a copy.
I was contacted by somebody who noticed that there was a window depicting King Alfred in a church at Busbridge, not far from Godalming in Surrey. At first I thought that this window was just a random dedication to King Alfred, perhaps associated with the celebration of the 1000th anniversary of his death in 1901 (back then they thought he had died in 901 instead of what it is now know to be, which is 899). However, this for me set off a chain of events that led to me exploring Eashing, Godalming and Guildford. Each place was already significant to me in its own right, but there was no record of Alfred having been at any of them. However, when I looked at these places collectively it seemed to me unlikely that he would never have been at any of these places. Let me explain.
King Alfred stained glass window at St John the Baptist church, Busbridge, near Godalming, SurreyFrom the same stained glass window. This shows the now lost church at Tuesley, Surrey, and the well to the left has become Ladywell Convent.
King Alfred’s will includes estates at Guildford, Godalming and Eashing, and the Burghal Hidage (a list of Alfred’s defended settlements after 878, but drawn up under his son, King Edward the Elder) includes Eashing. These three locations are close together and are all on the River Wey, which flows into the Thames. Alfred’s connection to the area is remembered in a beautiful stained-glass window in the already mentioned Victorian church of St John the Baptist in Busbridge, just a couple of miles south of Godalming (there are other stunning windows in this church). He is depicted above an image in the same window of a Saxon church at a place called Tuesley. Tuesley, just to the south-west of Busbridge, is the site of this now lost 7th century Saxon church, and it may be that there was a site of worship here going back to pagan times. It seems that Tuesley derives from the name of the pagan god Tiw , from which we also get “Tuesday”. It has been suggested that the settlement at Tuesley was a predecessor to the settlement at Godalming although, as Tuesley is mentioned in the 1068 Domesday book, the settlement would still have been present in Alfred’s time. The location of this church is now a shrine to the Virgin Mary and is on land now owned by Ladywell Convent. At the time of writing there is access to this location every day except 21st December. It is a peaceful and beautiful site and I highly recommend spending some time there. We know that Alfred was pious and if he was in this area I think he would have come to this significant church. The shrine is on the other side of the road to the convent, and the access is through a gate down a very short track.
The shrine of the Virgin Mary inside a wall depicting the outline of the old Saxon church at Tuesley, Surrey. I have read that this church had been dedicated to the Virgin Mary.
In Godalming there is good evidence that a church on the current site of the church of St Peter and St Paul would have been present in the 9th century , while King Alfred was alive, and it seems plausible that the church would have been associated with the royal estate there. The royal estate may therefore have been in this part of Godalming, potentially around Church Street, to the south of the church. I was told that an archaeological investigation was carried out before some new buildings were built to the south-west of the church and that hundreds of Anglo-Saxon skeletons had been discovered. However, when I visited Godalming’s museum (with its excellent and helpful staff) I found out that more mid to late-Saxon pottery had been found at the site of what is now Waitrose on Bridge Street, than anywhere else in Surrey and it was now thought that the “Royal Manor” could have been at this location instead, which is quite a distance from the church. However, it seems impossible to tell whether particular estates that Alfred left in his will comprised the whole of that named place or just a part of it. In other words, he might have left the whole of Godalming because he owned all of it. In this situation, looking for a separate “Royal Manor” would be a mistake.
Church of St Peter and St Paul, Godalming, Surrey
We cannot be certain of the location of the royal estate at Guildford but it seems most likely that it would have been located where evidence suggests there was a Saxon presence. Indeed, following the argument applied to Godalming, he may have owned all of what comprised Guildford at that time.It appears that the Saxon settlement at this time would have been in the area around St Mary’s church. There is evidence that this church may have been preceded by a timber structure. I was very grateful for the assistance given to me in my research by this church and a local historian, and I thank them here. I found it pleasant to wander around this area,which is essentially around Quarry Street. The remains of Guildford’s Norman castle are also in this area.
St Mary’s Church and Quarry Street, Guildford, Surrey
The main contender for the the fortified site at Eashing is immediately to the east of the famous Eashing Bridges, which are marked on Ordnance Survey maps. There is no public access across the site although a combination of roads and footpaths delineate the perimeter. It may be significant that this site would have been able to defended a crossing over the River Wey at the site of the Eashing Bridges. Today, the location is largely open space, and it is thought that this is because Guildford replaced it as the regional centre.
The author at the site of the burgh of Eashing, Surrey
The two sides that have a footpath are easy to find. I parked at the little car park on the other side of the historic bridges,walked across and then up the path leading uphill on the west side. From here I could really appreciate how the burgh would have been in an elevated position above the River Wey. But I could only see the (likely) site of the burgh when I got to the path that runs across the north of the site. It was just an open field, but I found that I could use my imagination. I decided not to follow the road for the two remaining sides of the square as it looked dangerous, with no footpath.
I made a short video about these locations:
There is much more about the travels of King Alfred in my book, including maps and references. To learn more about the book, click or tap the image below.
This is a peaceful spot and I always like coming here. I never cease to be amazed at how this modest location that was so important in the history of England is so under-visited.
St Andrew’s church, Aller, Somerset Levels. Where King Alfred baptised Guthrum, the Viking leader, after he was defeated at the Battle of Ethandun
King Alfred defeated the Vikings at the crucial Battle of Ethandun (more likely in my opinion to have been at Edington in Wiltshire than any other single location) in 878. The Vikings fled to their fortress, which seems more likely to have been at Chippenham, where they then surrendered.
The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles tell us that three weeks after the Vikings surrendered, the Viking leader Guthrum came, accompanied by thirty of his men, to be baptised into Christianity at a place near Athelney called Aller. Asser tells us that Alfred himself raised Guthrum from the baptismal font and that Guthrum became Alfred’s adopted son.
The older of the two fonts at St Andrew’s church, Aller, Somerset Levels
St Andrew’s church at Aller, like Athelney, is on raised ground in the Somerset Levels, suggesting that the church probably would also have been on an island in Alfred’s time. The oldest parts of the current church are 12th century, so the events of 878 must have taken place at a preceding structure. It has been claimed that a font in the church (the more bowl-shaped of the two fonts), recovered from the rectory pond in the nineteenth century, was the one used to baptise Guthrum. The church can be tricky to find. Coming from Langport direction, it is necessary to take a left turn onto the road called Church Path and then turn left where there is a wooden sign for the church. The church also has a small but beautiful King Alfred Window, which is a memorial to the two reigns of King Alfred and Queen Victoria.
The King Alfred stained glass window at St Andrew’s church, Aller, Somerset Levels
It can be speculated as to why Aller, about fifty miles distant from Chippenham, was chosen as the location instead of somewhere closer to Chippenham. Perhaps Alfred did not trust Guthrum and this was deemed to be a safer location, or perhaps Aller was a more significant place then than it seems to us today. It might even be that Alfred knew Aller well if he came here to pray when he had his base at nearby Athelney. It seems likely to me that after obtaining the Viking surrender at (most likely) Chippenham, Alfred simply went back to the Somerset Levels where he may still have had a base, and Guthrum had to go there to “seal the deal”.
I think there is a major clue in the Anglo Saxon Chronicles where we are told that Guthrum came to Alfred at Aller after a period of three weeks. With this time-frame the distance between Chippenham and Aller becomes less of an issue – there was plenty of time to travel. It was a matter of Guthrum having to go to where Alfred was in order to take advantage of an amazingly beneficial deal on the table. In effect it was: “Confirm your permanent submission by becoming baptised and in return we won’t trouble you if you want to settle permanently in the east. Not only this, but you and your men will also receive large amounts of riches” (which were provided subsequently at Wedmore). There is a big difference between the first scenario of the Vikings having effectively seized East Anglia and the later post-878 scenario of the Vikings settling in East Anglia with the approval and blessing of the King of Wessex. In effect, the Viking presence in East Anglia had now become legitimate. East Anglia must have been unstable since 869 when its king (Edmund) had been murdered by the Vikings. Settling it with a converted Guthrum (now called Athelstan after his baptism) probably had benefits for Alfred.
Any hopes that Alfred might have had for peace in East Anglia do not seem to have been realised. In 896 Alfred sent ships to the mouth of the Stour in East Anglia (and therefore somewhere near Harwich) and there were two battles with Viking boats. Alfred’s forces won the first engagement, but the Vikings won the second engagement.
It is by no means certain in my mind that Guthrum was baptised in a church at Aller. In other words, he could have been baptised outside at Aller, because baptism outside in water may have still been taking place, especially for what was a hugely significant moment. If this was the case then there would have been water nearby (Aller is on the Levels). The font in the church that is claimed to be Saxon was re-discovered outside, although it is unknown whether this was used to baptise Guthrum, whether inside or outside of the church.
Aller is the location where Guthrum was baptised, but we must remind ourselves that in The Anglo-Saxon Chronicles we are told that after the Vikings had attacked Chippenham in 878, King Alfred had retreated to morfæstenum, which is a plural. There was more than one stronghold in the marshes, and it is possible that Aller was one of them (and with possibly others on higher ground such as at Burrow Mump).
Aller is only a few miles north-west of Langport, which must have been a significant place in Alfred’s time as it is included in the Burghal Hidage (a list of defended locations), drawn up under his son, King Edward the Elder. Although there is nothing that I could find to specifically connect King Alfred with Langport, it seems likely that he would have been there at some point.
I made a short video at Aller:
There is much more about the travels of King Alfred in my book, including maps and references. To find out more about the book, click or tap the image below.
